The 31st Conference of the Parties (COP31) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change began today in Antalya. While the first day of the summit, which will run until November 20, was dedicated to the themes of food, agriculture, and health, the event has drawn criticism. This follows the inclusion of major conglomerates such as Cengiz, Limak, IC, and Rönesans as “climate supporters” on the official website, as well as the introduction of a “public morality” clause in a declaration that speakers in the COP31 “Green Zone” are being asked to sign.
Photo: UNFCCC
The 31st Conference of the Parties (COP31) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) began today in Antalya, with participants from 198 countries. The first day of the conference, which will continue until November 20, was dedicated to food security, agriculture, water efficiency, and the impacts of climate change on public health.
The opening plenary session will take place at 10:00 AM in the Anatolia Plenary Hall at the EXPO venue. During the session, opening remarks were delivered by Murat Kurum, Minister of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change; Simon Stiell, Executive Secretary of the UNFCCC; and Chris Bowen, COP31 President-designate. In addition to Kurum, Minister of Health Kemal Memişoğlu, Minister of Agriculture and Forestry İbrahim Yumaklı, and Mayor of Ankara Metropolitan Municipality Mansur Yavaş also took the floor.
Countries that are parties to the international agreement, adopted in 1992 under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and aimed at combating climate change, convene annually at summits known as the Conference of the Parties (COP). These nations gather each year within this supreme decision-making body to discuss and determine global climate policies. At the conference, which brings together representatives from nearly 200 countries, the global climate agenda is negotiated, with a primary focus on emissions reduction, adaptation policies, and climate finance.
Day one: Food, agriculture, and health
Throughout the day, various sessions will address the resilience of agriculture and food systems against climate change, the efficient use of water resources, and the impacts of the climate crisis on public health.
At 11:00, at the Australian Pavilion in the Blue Zone, civil society organizations from Turkey and Australia will voice their demand for a phase-out of fossil fuels. In this session—bringing together civil society representatives from Turkey (which will host COP31) and Australia (which is presiding over the negotiations)—the responsibilities of both nations in the process of transitioning away from fossil fuels will be discussed.
Other events throughout the day will cover topics such as a just energy transition, climate finance, the transformation of electricity grids, and the obligations of states under international climate law.
Leaders’ Summit on November 11–12
The Antalya Leaders’ Summit, which will be attended by heads of state and government, is set to take place on November 11–12. Hosted by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the summit is expected to see leaders outline their priorities and commitments regarding the fight against climate change. The messages delivered are anticipated to help shape negotiations on topics such as emissions reduction, climate change adaptation, and the provision of financing to developing countries.
Alternative events: People’s Climate Summit and Climate Justice Forum
The People’s Climate Summit, which will bring together climate justice advocates from across the globe, is set to begin on November 14. The summit will open with a rally as part of a Global Day of Action on the same day, followed by a series of panels and workshops held at the Mimar Sinan Congress Center from November 15 to 18. Additionally, as part of the events organized as an alternative to COP31, a Climate Justice Forum will take place on November 15, hosted by the Antalya Bar Association and attended by numerous rights advocates.
According to Evrensel, a total of 630 buses, 71 of which are electric, have been allocated for COP31 participants. These shuttle buses, which transport attendees from locations including the airport, the Belek hotel zone, and the city center to the event venue, operate across 21 different routes. However, yesterday, just one day before the opening of the conference, which has been in preparation for months, disruptions occurred on the COP31 shuttle routes. Participants were notified of these issues via email.
The list includes companies associated with mining and coal projects
The official website for COP31, which began today in Antalya, lists the summit’s sponsors and supporters. The list includes major corporate conglomerates such as Koç, Sabancı, Cengiz, Kalyon, Limak, IC, Rönesans, and Nurol. Environmental organizations have expressed opposition to the presence of these companies, some of which are involved in environmental lawsuits or have investments in fossil fuels, in such a capacity at the summit.
On the official website’s list of sponsors, Cengiz Holding is presented as a “sustainable transformation partner,” Koç Holding as a “global business partner,” and Sabancı Holding as an “electrification partner.” Kalyon Holding is participating in the summit as a “carbon offsetting partner.” Under the category of “climate supporter,” the list includes Limak Holding, IC Holding, Sinpaş, and Rönesans Holding. Yaşar Holding has also announced its role as a climate supporter for COP31. The list further features Garanti BBVA, Türk Telekom, and various state-owned banks as sponsors.
“Public morality” requirement at COP31
A declaration has been prepared for panelists speaking in the Green Zone at COP31, requiring them to commit to ensuring their presentations and remarks comply with “the law and general moral standards.” It is stipulated that, in the event of a breach of this declaration, the organizer may halt or terminate the presentation, remove the speaker from the session, and report the matter to the COP31 Green Zone management or the relevant authorities.
However, the code of conduct applicable to events under the UNFCCC does not include the term “general moral standards.” Furthermore, while the UNFCCC’s code of conduct explicitly prohibits behavior that disparages individuals based on their sexual orientation or gender identity, these specific grounds for discrimination are not mentioned in the declaration prepared for the Green Zone.
Former HDP Co-Chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ have been held in prison for 10 years. While 15 bar associations and the lawyers representing them in the case are calling for the implementation of European Court of Human Rights rulings, DEM Party Co-Chairs Hatimoğulları and Bakırhan made statements in front of the prisons where the former co-chairs are being held.
Photo: AP
Former Co-Chairs of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, have been held in prison for 10 years.
Marking the 10th anniversary of their imprisonment, 15 bar associations and lawyers representing the defendants have requested the release of 13 HDP politicians, including Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ. The appeal filed in Ankara calls for implementation of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) final rulings on rights violations.
The 15 regional bar associations and the lawyers for the “Kobani case” submitted the release request to the 22nd Criminal Chamber of the Ankara Regional Court of Justice.
The core arguments for this request rest on final ECHR rulings on rights violations, a decision by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe dated September 16, 2026, and Articles 19 and 90 of the Constitution.
Bakırhan: “For ten years, we have been making statements at the gates of prisons.”
On the 10th anniversary of their arrests, DEM Party Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan visited the prisons where the politicians are being held. Hatimoğulları visited Edirne Prison, where Selahattin Demirtaş is incarcerated, and Bakırhan visited Kandıra Prison in Kocaeli, where Figen Yüksekdağ is held, and delivered statements outside the facilities.
Hatimoğulları reported that, during their meeting, Demirtaş conveyed his greetings to the peoples of Turkey and affirmed that he would continue to support the “Peace and Democratic Society Process” despite his imprisonment, emphasizing that the detained politicians have not abandoned their efforts for peace. She stated that they would continue their struggle until all political prisoners are released.
Bakırhan remarked, “For ten years, we have been making statements at the gates of these prisons. Isn’t that enough by now? We do not want to come here to make statements in the eleventh year. By the eleventh year, our friends should be engaging in democratic politics alongside us. Figen Yüksekdağ should be able to demonstrate her commitment to peace outside these walls. Selahattin Demirtaş should be able to engage in politics together with his own people and his comrades.”
What happened during Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ’s leadership of the HDP?
Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ, who have been imprisoned since November 4, 2016, led a pro-Kurdish party in Turkey to surpass the electoral threshold for the first time; the HDP (Peoples’ Democratic Party) secured 13.22% of the vote in the June 7, 2015, general elections. Although no party reached the 276 seats required to govern alone, the HDP won 80 seats in parliament. The AKP, in power since 2002, lost its parliamentary majority after these elections.
In the lead-up to the June 7 elections, Demirtaş made a statement from the podium of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on March 17, 2015, directed at Erdoğan: “We will not let you become president”, a remark that became a major topic of public discussion.
Two days before the elections, on June 5, ISIS carried out a bomb attack on an HDP rally held at the Istasyon Square in Diyarbakır, resulting in the deaths of five people.
The peace process that had been underway between the PKK and the state was effectively shelved on August 11, 2015, when President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan declared, “The ‘solution process’ is in the deep freeze.”
The period spanning the June 7 elections and the subsequent snap election on November 1 went down in history as one of the bloodiest and darkest eras in Turkey.
On July 20, 2015, an ISIS suicide attack targeted students from the SGDF (Federation of Socialist Youth Associations) in Suruç, Urfa, who were planning to deliver toys to children from Kobanê; 33 people lost their lives.
On July 22, 2015, two police officers were killed in their home in Ceylanpınar, and this event marked the de facto end of the “solution process.” However, it remains unknown who killed the police officers.
On October 10, 2015, 103 people lost their lives and more than 500 were injured in an ISIS-perpetrated bombing targeting a peace rally in front of the Ankara Train Station.
Although the blockades that followed the declaration of self-governance in Kurdish cities began and intensified primarily after November 1, they occurred between June and November.
The European Court of Human Rights demanded the release of Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ
Authorities launched an investigation into Selahattin Demirtaş after he called for a march toward the Sur district, where a curfew was in effect at the time.
Demirtaş, who faces accusations of engaging in PKK propaganda on 93 separate occasions, was the subject of an indictment seeking a 5-year prison sentence for “propagandizing for a terrorist organization.” This charge stems from a speech he delivered during a Newroz celebration in Istanbul in 2013, in which he allegedly “praised the PKK and its leader, Abdullah Öcalan.”
On September 7, 2018, Selahattin Demirtaş was sentenced to 4 years and 8 months in prison for “propagandizing for a terrorist organization.” However, the Office of the Chief Public Prosecutor at the Court of Cassation requested that this conviction be overturned. On December 22, 2020, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Demirtaş’s rights to freedom of expression and to stand for election had been violated.
On May 16, 2024, a verdict was reached in the “Kobani Case,” in which Selahattin Demirtaş, who has been in detention since 2016, was a defendant. The court ordered his continued detention and sentenced him to 28 years in prison.
When combined with his other legal cases, Demirtaş has been sentenced to a total of 42 years in prison.
Figen Yüksekdağ was taken into custody at her home in Ankara on November 4, 2016, as part of a “terrorism investigation” conducted by the Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, and was subsequently sent to Diyarbakır. There, the 2nd Criminal Peace Judgeship heard her case and ordered her arrest that same day; she was later transferred to the Kocaeli F-Type Prison. On February 21, 2017, her parliamentary membership was revoked; subsequently, on March 9, 2017, the Office of the Chief Public Prosecutor at the Court of Cassation terminated her political party membership, in accordance with a provision in the Law on Political Parties stating that individuals convicted of “terrorist acts” cannot be members of political parties.
On May 16, 2024, in the “Kobani Case,” Yüksekdağ was sentenced to 30 years in prison.
On November 8, 2022, the ECHR ruled that the rights of former HDP members of parliament, including Yüksekdağ, to freedom of expression, liberty and security, and free elections had been violated. The Court called for necessary measures to secure the release of those applicants who remained in detention. The ruling became final on April 3, 2023.
Over the past five years in Turkey, more than 80 trustee rectors have been appointed to universities. Students summarized the current situation at universities after the trustee management: Areas where students gather are under surveillance, clubs and societies cannot continue their activities, and students are being victimized.
Photo: AFP
Over the past five years, more than 80 trustee rectors have been appointed to universities in Turkey by presidential decree. Following the trustee administrations, student activities were suspended at many schools, club rooms were closed, and events were halted. For example, at Boğaziçi University, CİTÖK was effectively shut down, and the number of private security guards and police officers was increased. Academics were suspended and replaced with “parachute” academics brought in from outside, and conferences featuring hate speech were held under the banner of the “Year of the Family.” Students who gathered on their university campuses faced detentions and investigations.
Middle East Technical University (ODTÜ), Boğaziçi University, Istanbul University, Hacettepe University, Marmara University, Dicle University, and Yıldız Technical University have been operating under trustee administrations for a long time. Students state that a democratic and autonomous educational environment no longer exists at these institutions.
Boğaziçi University: A campus turned into a barracks
Prof. Dr. Melih Bulu was appointed rector of Boğaziçi University on January 2, 2021, and Prof. Dr. Naci İnci on August 21, 2021.
Boğaziçi University students described the events that have unfolded since then as follows:
“Since 2021, students’ freedom of movement on campus has been severely restricted. Campus gates have frequently been closed, classes have been canceled, and clubs and organizations have been unable to continue their activities. Areas where students gather are under surveillance by police and private security. The Faculties of Law and Communication were opened unlawfully, the Faculty of Arts and Sciences was split up, and some departments were transferred to the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences. Faculty members were suspended, and students were barred from classes through disciplinary expulsions. Despite all this, we are proud to be part of this resistance.”
Students note that the campus has effectively turned into a military barracks, with police present at every corner of the school and its surroundings. Despite all this being justified under the pretext of “security,” on August 30, 2025, a man with 18 prior criminal records murdered a 15-year-old girl on the South Campus.
Istanbul University: “A constant state of anxiety”
Prof. Dr. Osman Bülent Zülfikar was appointed as the interim rector of Istanbul University on August 1, 2023. Since his appointment, many established routines on campus have been altered. Disciplinary actions and investigations have been launched against students protesting these changes.
Kayra, a student at Istanbul University, describes the atmosphere on campus following the appointment of the interim rector as “a constant state of unease.” Kayra says the disciplinary investigations have created serious pressure on students and notes that they are now hesitant to post even on their own social media accounts.
Kayra, who also highlights issues with the cafeteria and the budget, says, “Meals used to be free. Now, even though the budget has increased, we’re getting meals that are both more expensive and of lower quality.” He adds that the plans to move to the Küçükçekmece Campus will create serious difficulties for students:
“Commuting to Küçükçekmece means a waste of both time and money. Moving away from the city center also significantly weakens social life.”
Kayra notes that many students have been disadvantaged during the graduation process due to glitches in the electronic oath and e-diploma systems.
Marmara University: Campuses opened up to capital
Marmara University students also describe facing serious pressure and interference on campus under the trusteeship administration. Mustafa Kurt, appointed to Marmara University in 2021, made headlines for mistreating female students residing in the dormitories at the Göztepe Campus, for irregularities in the food service contract, and for launching an investigation against students who protested femicides following the murders of Ayşenur Halil and İkbal Uzuner.
Photo: ANKA
During the tenure of Prof. Dr. Mehmet Emin Okur, who took office on September 6, 2025, by presidential decree, statements made by some academics in the Faculties of Communication and Theology, expressing homophobia, transphobia, and opposition to the Istanbul Convention, drew public backlash.
Students are also voicing criticism that campuses are being opened up to private capital. According to audit reports by the Court of Accounts, certain properties at the Haydarpaşa Campus were allocated to TÜRGEV and TÜGVA free of charge. One student comments on this situation as follows:
“We learned about the relocation through an email this summer. Decisions like this have been announced to us without consultation before. We’ve long suspected that our faculties are being relocated out of concern that they’ll be handed over to private interests.”
Drawing attention to the distance between faculties at the Maltepe Campus and the lack of social spaces, they add:
“Even though it’s such a large campus, what we miss the most are shared living spaces. No budget is allocated to clubs and student organizations.”
Students emphasize that security measures on campus have intensified following the events of March 19, and that this has deepened the sense of oppression:
“Plainclothes police are constantly patrolling, and detention vehicles are on standby. It’s even become difficult to stand side by side. We’re having a hard time focusing on our classes.”
Students also explain that, despite the university’s large budget, basic needs are not being met:
“The budget allocated to the university is in the billions of lira, but we don’t see any of it. There has been no improvement in any area—from food to transportation, from clubs to restrooms. We’re getting poorer by the day and are forced to work.”
Yıldız Technical University: A wedding on campus
During the tenure of Prof. Dr. Eyüp Debik, who was appointed rector of Yıldız Technical University on September 20, 2024, the Yıldız Stage and 11 clubs were closed, and investigations were launched against students who protested the blocking of their events. A report by the Court of Accounts revealed to the public that an excessive number of administrators had been appointed at the university in violation of regulations. Other incidents that drew attention included the pouring of acid on the “Yıldızlı Ağaç” tree on campus, the intervention in the march marking the anniversary of the Gezi protests, and the holding of a wedding on campus for the son of the AKP district chair.
A female student at Yıldız Technical University was removed from the film club’s leadership by the university administration. The student explains what “Cep Sinema” meant to students as follows:
“It was very easy to watch movies, chat, and socialize here. I’ve been going there frequently ever since my first day at school. Free film screenings and subsequent discussions about the films were an opportunity unavailable at many universities. These restrictions place an extra burden on students already struggling with financial hardships and academic pressures.”
However, the trustee administration continues to implement policies that curtail students’ right to have a say and restrict their social spaces. The rendering of the Student Union (ÖTK) ineffective, the disregard for student demands, and the use of private security are making it harder for students to defend their rights. Furthermore, inadequacies in educational and academic conditions are increasing:
“The libraries are inadequate, and some areas are constantly under renovation. Studying in the faculties is not productive. Practices such as failing to allocate a budget for clubs and student organizations and not turning on the heaters in the summer show that resources are not being used for the benefit of students.”
Hacettepe University: Suspensions lasting up to four years
Prof. Dr. Mehmet Cahit Güran was appointed to Hacettepe University on July 26, 2024, by presidential decree. At the Beytepe Campus, allowing attackers armed with clubs to enter with the rector’s permission and the expulsion of 14 students from the dormitory for protesting the early closure of Yurdum Café highlight the pressure the interim administration is exerting on students. At the Ankara State Conservatory, 12 faculty members were dismissed, and on April 16, 2025, the Special Security Forces (ÖGB) intervened against students protesting the removal of the Ali İsmail Korkmaz mural. Students who participated in the protests during the March 19 events were suspended from school for four years.
Students emphasize that living conditions have not improved despite a high budget, campus security and private security measures are increasing the pressure. At the Sıhhiye Campus, they report that no staff members were present when individuals armed with shovels entered the campus, and that they act stems from the trustee administration:
“The few spaces where we used to feel safe have now turned into dangerous places if we do not act according to certain demands.”
Bilgi University: The trustee and staffing at a foundation university
An administrator was appointed to Istanbul Bilgi University as part of an investigation into its owner, Can Holding.
The administrator, Prof. Dr. Ahmet Ulusoy, a professor of financial economics, ran as a prospective parliamentary candidate for the AKP in 2007 and 2015 and wrote for Yeni Şafak in 2015. He stopped writing upon assuming his position at the Higher Education Council (YÖK) in 2021. Following his appointment, Delil Yorgun, a research assistant in the Department of Economics and Finance at Bilgi University, was dismissed from his permanent position without cause.
On the night of May 22, 2026, Istanbul Bilgi University was closed by a decision of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan published in the Official Gazette, without any prior notification to students, faculty, or staff. Students protested the decision for three days, after which the closure order was rescinded.
Students report that academic freedom has been lost, club activities and events have been restricted, the practice of appointing loyalists has intensified, and access to gender equality courses has been blocked. From the time of the trustee administration to the present, the demand for an egalitarian, democratic, and scientifically autonomous university continues.
Trustee pressure at METU: Academic and social life under restrictions
At ODTÜ, which has been under trustee administration since 2016, students report that pressure and restrictions on campus have increased following the appointment of Prof. Dr. Mustafa Yozgatlıgil. While concerts for the International Spring Festival have been canceled, investigations are even being launched into graduation banners. One student summarizes the situation as follows: “Common rooms are being closed, classrooms aren’t being provided for events, and department buildings are being locked.” Although the International Spring Festival had been banned by the university administration in the past, students had organized the festival on their own through a two-week-long protest.
Describing how faculty positions are not being filled and academic freedom is being restricted, the student draws attention to inadequate physical conditions:
“There are heating problems in the buildings; there is no toilet paper or soap in the restrooms. In some buildings, there is no hot water. Meanwhile, millions are being spent on priority projects.”
The students emphasize that under the trustee administration, campus life, both academic and daily, is becoming increasingly restricted, and that the importance of struggle and solidarity is growing.
Academics who signed the peace declaration at Dicle University were dismissed
On August 14, 2020, Prof. Dr. Mehmet Karakoç was appointed rector of Dicle University by a decision of President Erdoğan. Currently, the university’s rector is Prof. Dr. Kamuran Eronat, who was appointed by a Presidential Decree on August 16, 2024.
Prof. Dr. Erhan Ünlü, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Romedi Çelik, and research assistants Hümeyra Yılmaz, Eda Aslı Şeran, Aslı Aydemir, and Düzgün Uğur, all of whom signed the peace declaration at Dicle University, were removed from the academic staff via a published Decree Law. The person who served as Rector of Dicle University during this period (2016–2020) and submitted the dismissal lists to the Higher Education Council (YÖK) was Prof. Dr. Talip Gül.
Students point out that the university has long been under the administration of a trustee and that it has become nearly impossible to convey their basic living and academic demands to the administration.
“Our public spaces have been restricted, and basic necessities such as heating, restrooms, and soap are lacking in the faculty buildings. The presence of plainclothes police on campus and expensive cafes restricts our freedom of movement,” the students say, emphasizing how crucial the demand for an autonomous university is. The dismissal of faculty members demonstrates the extent to which freedom of expression and democratic demands have been suppressed at the university under the trusteeship administration for many years.
The academic impact of the trustees
Before the trusteeship, Turkey’s leading universities were ranked higher in international rankings. For example, in the Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings 2015 report, it had risen to 139th place globally and was one of the few universities in Turkey to have reached this level. However, following the appointment of trustees, these universities’ rankings have declined. According to the QS 2026 World University Rankings, METU is ranked 269th, Boğaziçi University 371st; Hacettepe University 571st, Istanbul University 628th, Yıldız Technical University 731–740, and Marmara University is in the 1001–1200 range.
This table shows that changes in academic autonomy and administration following the appointment of trustees have affected universities’ international visibility and their rankings, particularly in fields such as economics and engineering
The 2024–2025 Turkey University Rankings, published by the URAP Research Center affiliated with METU, revealed that Boğaziçi University has dropped 11 places over the past six years. During the period beginning with the appointment of a trustee rector in 2021, the university’s academic score dropped from 1,245 to 760 by 2025.
Dicle University experienced a decline in academic performance following the appointment of a trustee in 2016. The university, which had a trustee appointed for the second time in 2024, fell to approximately 92nd place in the 2024–2025 rankings according to URAP data, showing a decline compared to previous years.
The 2025 Court of Accounts Audit Report prepared regarding the Mardin Metropolitan Municipality, which is under trustee administration, documented numerous violations, including the municipality’s distribution of funds to 34,500 people under the guise of social assistance and the indiscriminate transfer of 445 million Turkish Liras (TL) to four districts.
The 2025 Audit Report prepared by the Court of Accounts regarding the Mardin Metropolitan Municipality, which is under trustee administration, has been published.
While the 2025 report identified 24 findings of non-compliance, it noted that 17 of the 18 findings of non-compliance from the 2024 report had still not been “resolved,” and one had been “partially resolved.” The 68-page report highlighted numerous instances where the municipality’s resources were improperly transferred to municipalities run by the AK Party and where tenders were conducted in violation of the law.
445 million TL in “aid” to AKP-run municipalities
According to the report, the Mardin Metropolitan Municipality, under trustee administration, provided a total of 317 million TL in cash aid to the AKP-affiliated municipalities of Midyat (180 million TL), Savur (62 million TL), Yeşilli (40 million TL), and Ömerli (35 million TL). Noting that the districts’ investment programs were not requested for these aid payments, the Court of Accounts added that, under a protocol, an additional 113.9 million TL for road construction and 13.7 million TL for heavy equipment rental expenses were also covered for the same districts. The total amount transferred to the municipalities in this manner amounted to 444.7 million TL.
The Court of Auditors noted in its report that the same situation could recur, highlighting the risk of duplication since the investment programs of the relevant district municipalities were not obtained.
No records for 34,500 food boxes
Of the 41,000 food boxes received in 2025, 34,500 were distributed through foundations affiliated with district governor’s offices and district municipalities without any application process or social assokessment. The report, which stated that there were no municipal files, scoring records, or archival records for these individuals, included the following statements:
“Of the 41,000 food packages received in 2025, approximately 800 were in storage, 40,200 were distributed; of the distributed food packages, only 5,700 were distributed by the Metropolitan Municipality, while the remaining 34,500 were transferred to social solidarity foundations affiliated with district governor’s offices and district municipalities. The administration did not conduct any applications, social assessments, evaluations, or criteria-based scoring regarding the 34,500 individuals who received social assistance. There are no files or archival records pertaining to these individuals within the administration.”
According to the Court of Accounts, in 2024, the municipality itself identified only 4,400 out of 75,000 people.
Procurement procedures were not followed
It was noted that the municipality failed to comply with the tender procedures specified in the Public Procurement Law, dividing the tenders into parts and conducting them via direct procurement to remain below the monetary threshold.
A total of 14,981,373 TL was spent on 18 transactions carried out between January 17, 2025, and November 28, 2025, through the directorates of Social Services, Transportation, and Support Services.
Additionally, the report noted that a cash donation to the Mardin 1969 Sports Club was also made in violation of procedures, stating that 18 million 700 million TL was provided under the guise of “purchasing uniforms.”
Payments to waste disposal facilities were not made
Twenty percent of the environmental cleanup tax must be transferred to the municipality for use in waste disposal facilities. According to the report, MARSU and five district municipalities failed to deposit these shares. The amount owed rose from 5.43 million TL at the end of 2024 to 10.68 million TL in 2025.
Eighty-eight percent of the debt—9.41 million TL—is owed to MARSU, the metropolitan municipality’s own subsidiary. According to the data, Kızıltepe owes 566,535 TL, Artuklu 353,727 TL, Dargeçit 169,631 TL, Nusaybin 165,648 TL, and Yeşilli 11,573 TL. The metropolitan municipality reported that it has collected the amount owed by MARSU through setoff and stated that it will collect the amounts owed by the other municipalities.
The Court of Accounts noted that if these shares are not paid, disruptions could occur in the operation of waste facilities and waste management, and public health could be adversely affected.
During the integration process between the Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) government in Damascus and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), Kurdish-language education was limited to three hours per week. Academician Sardar Saadi, noting that the universities’ autonomous status has not been recognized, emphasized that Western countries such as Germany are acting “hypocritically” by turning a blind eye to the experience at universities in Rojava and Kobani.
Following the agreement reached on January 30, 2026, between the Syrian government and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the future of Kurdish-language education in Northern and Eastern Syria is being debated. At the center of the debate are the number of Kurdish language class hours in schools and the status of Qamishlo University (known as Rojava University), Kobani University, and al-Sharq University in Raqqa. While the Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) administration in Damascus seeks to integrate these universities into Syria’s state university system, the Kurdish people insist on the recognition of Kurdish as a language of instruction.
“Making Kurdish the language of education is our primary struggle”
Sardar Saadi, an academic who helped establish the Institute of Social and Human Sciences at Rojava University, previously served as the institute’s co-director, and continues his work at the university, noted in his assessment of the issue that while some courses have been accepted to a limited extent, Kurdish has not been recognized as the language of instruction:
“What we truly want, and what we are fighting for is for Kurdish to be the language of instruction in every subject. Especially at the university level: natural sciences, history, social sciences, philosophy, chemistry, physics… All of these should be taught in Kurdish. This is our primary struggle.”
Sardar Saadi
Saadi said that the Syrian Ministry of Education’s regulation, issued on August 27, 2026, limiting Kurdish language instruction in schools to three hours per week, was a policy meant to “erase Kurdish from daily life”:
“What the Syrian state wants is to affiliate Rojava University with the University of the Euphrates. Frankly, they do not accept these universities with their own status, their own administrative and autonomous rights. They are not saying, ‘If another university is established, let’s affiliate it with Rojava University.’”
Saadi said that students, faculty, and staff at Rojava University do not accept this affiliation and that the university is currently continuing its operations de facto. According to Saadi, approximately 5,000 students enrolled at the university this year.
“A form of genocide perpetrated by the government”
Stating that the Syrian state does not recognize the universities, does not allocate a budget for them, and does not accept the documents they issue, Saadi argued that Rojava is the biggest problem for the Damascus regime:
“This is not merely an administrative or technical issue; it is a deeply ideological, structural, and historical issue. The government established in Damascus is a jihadist government, and we must acknowledge this.”
Saadi, who states that the government’s policy is not merely about killing people but about destroying the local experience, language, and culture, describes this situation as “a form of genocide.”
“Why doesn’t the West accept the Rojava experience?”
Noting that Rojava has at least a decade of university experience, Saadi criticized the stance of Germany and other Western countries toward the university system in Rojava:
“Germany is spending millions of euros. It spends 800,000 euros just for a single conference. A total of 60 million euros in funding is being sent there to restructure higher education in Syria and for other projects. Not a single cent of this has gone to the universities in Rojava and Kobani.”
Describing the West’s stance on universities as “hypocrisy,” Saadi described the experience at Rojava University as follows:
“Student councils, women’s councils, a 50 percent quota for women, a co-presidency system, a department of jineology, and the integration of jineology into all courses… It’s an incredible experience. This is a democratic, women-led experience unlike anything seen anywhere else in the world. Why doesn’t the West accept this experience? Why is Germany giving 60 million dollars to the Syrian state?”
“Global Scholars’ Network for Rojava Universities”
Saadi said they had established an academic solidarity network called the “Global Scholars’ Network for Rojava Universities” (GSNRU). Approximately 150 people, including academics from the world’s leading universities, signed on to the network. Saadi, who said their sole focus was to put pressure on Germany, noted that they had participated in various conferences for this purpose.
The Global Scholars’ Network for Rojava Universities is a solidarity initiative established by international scientists and academics to provide academic and institutional support to Rojava University and Kobani University in Northern and Eastern Syria. Established to raise international awareness and exert pressure for the preservation of Kurdish-language education and the official recognition of academic programs at universities in the region, this network will organize international academic solidarity campaigns, conferences, and petition drives.
According to Saadi, as part of the solidarity network’s activities, an event titled “Higher Education in Syria’s Transition Process” will be held on November 3 at Humboldt University in Berlin, followed by an event titled “International Conference on the Transformation of Higher Education in Syria” on November 24–26 at the German-Jordanian University. The events are being organized in partnership with Humboldt University of Berlin and the German-Jordanian University, along with the Berlin Institute for Empirical Integration and Migration Research (BIM) and the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).
Saadi also explained that Turkey has been exerting pressure on many countries regarding these conferences and programs:
“Last month, I participated in a program at University College Cork (UCC) in Ireland. The Turkish Embassy sent a threatening letter asking, ‘Why are you doing this?’ Moreover, they linked this to the situation in Turkey. It has absolutely nothing to do with it. Rojava is not a geographical issue, nor is Kurdistan merely an issue confined to Turkey—it is a Middle Eastern issue. We don’t understand why Turkey is making such a fuss, or why it is resorting to pressure and threats, especially during this process. They aren’t just targeting us—they’re also going to the Germans, the Irish, and the Americans, asking, ‘Why are you working with them?’ They’ve previously exerted pressure on Bremen as well as on a university in the U.S. We see that Turkey is playing a very negative role in this process.”
What happened before?
Following the clashes that broke out in Aleppo in early January, the SDF lost a large portion of its territory in northeastern Syria as a result of a government offensive. On January 16, President Ahmed al-Shara issued a decree recognizing Kurdish as a “national language” alongside Arabic and permitting its teaching in schools. Decree No. 13 granted citizenship to all Syrians of Kurdish origin, including unregistered Kurds. The decree was regarded as the first official recognition of Kurdish national rights since independence. Kurdish was to be taught as an elective course or through cultural activities in regions where Kurds constitute a significant portion of the population. However, the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria deemed the decree insufficient.
Mazlum Abdi also stated that Decree No. 13 was insufficient regarding the Kurdish language, noting that Kurdish has been the language of instruction in Rojava for 15 years and has reached the university level.
On January 30, the SDF and the Syrian government announced an agreement outlining a permanent ceasefire and a framework for integration. In June, the Ministry of Education initiated the process of recognizing certificates issued under the Rojava administration and allowed students to take the 2026 and 2027 national exams. On the same day, the ministry announced that 38,000 teachers working under the Kurdish administration had been integrated into state institutions.
The dissolution of the SDF was announced on August 25. Two days later, on August 27, Education Minister Muhammad Abdurrahman Turku amended the implementing regulations of Decree No. 13. According to the regulation, Kurdish will be taught for three hours per week, and the grade will be included in the year-end score. Additionally, a one-hour Kurdish cultural activities class will be held each week.
Rojava University described the regulation as “a step backward” and called for its withdrawal. With the start of the new school year, students in Qamishlo and the surrounding area staged protests, demanding that Kurdish be made an official language of education rather than simply increasing the number of class hours.
Speaking about the pressures faced by journalists in Turkey, including detentions, investigations, arrests, and censorship, Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG) Co-chair Selman Çiçek and journalist Tuğçe Yılmaz explained that these practices hinder journalists’ work and lead to self-censorship in their reporting.
Today, the monopolization of the press in Turkey and the measures taken to obstruct media outlets are making working conditions increasingly difficult for journalists. Beyond the investigations and lawsuits faced by journalists for their reporting, it has also become harder for citizens to access independent news.
Speaking to Niha+ on this issue, Selman Çiçek, co-chair of the Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG), and journalist Tuğçe Yılmaz note that treating journalism as a crime, compounded by active censorship, makes the act of reporting even more challenging.
DFG Co-chair Selman Çiçek stated that Kurdish journalists have been subjected to such pressures for many years, and that they face these challenges more intensely than the broader press. Pointing out that the Mesopotamia Agency (Mezopotamya Ajansı) has faced access bans 44 times, compared to a single instance for the news outlet T24, Çiçek interprets this as evidence that the Kurdish press operates under more intense and persistent pressure:
“For many years, Kurdish journalists have been subjected to systematic and unlawful practices. News agencies and newspapers are shut down, journalists are arrested, and access to news reports is blocked. While other journalists in Turkey also face pressure, there are significant differences in the scope and continuity of these pressures. Yet, despite all this, Kurdish journalists continue to write and bring the truth to the public. The fact that the Mesopotamia Agency has managed to continue its operations, now through its 45th website, despite repeated access bans, serves as a concrete example of this resistance.”
Selman Çiçek
“These practices prevent journalists from carrying out their profession”
Çiçek also pointed out that detentions could have a long-lasting, chilling effect on fellow journalists. He added that the seizure of a journalist’s professional equipment, which is essential for their work, and the fact that such equipment is often returned in a damaged state following the legal proceedings, severely hinders the practice of journalism. Furthermore, Çiçek noted that measures such as the requirement to regularly report to authorities (signing in) and travel bans, which prevent journalists from leaving the country, also obstruct their freedom to report the news. “All these practices,” he stated, “not only restrict a journalist’s personal freedom but also prevent them from carrying out their profession.”
“They want to silence every kind of dissident voice”
Çiçek noted that access restrictions have increased significantly. Stating that such restrictions represent the most prominent form of pressure exerted on journalists, he added that 3,500 accounts were blocked in the month of September alone:
“Through these access restrictions, they aim to silence any dissenting voices. In doing so, they also foster self-censorship driven by the fear of censorship. They want to ensure that people do not offer criticism or speak out.”
Despite this grim reality, Selman Çiçek, recalling the 1990s, a period marked by the bombing of newspaper offices, the closure of news agencies via statutory decrees (KHKs), and the killing of journalists, emphasizes that, in this region, journalism is pursued not merely as a profession, but as a duty to bring the truth to the public.
Yılmaz: “Unfortunately, self-censorship has now become part of our routine”
Journalist Tuğçe Yılmaz, who has faced various pressures due to her profession, including lawsuits filed against her over her reporting and the blocking of her X (formerly Twitter) account without explanation, noted that this environment has influenced her approach to journalism.
Yılmaz described ensuring the safety of journalists as a critical priority in the current climate:
“I act with greater caution, taking the risks into account. While this could be seen as a step back, we are living through a period where ensuring our own safety has become one of our most critical priorities as journalists. Unfortunately, self-censorship has now become a part of our daily routine. The way I approach my reporting has changed; everything, from the choice of headlines to the accompanying images, can end up taking on a different format.”
Tuğçe Yılmaz
Yılmaz stated that the experiences of Bahadır Özgür, who was taken into custody for his reporting on the “fund” issue, and Murat Ağırel, who was taken into custody and subsequently arrested while already under house arrest, represent extremely harsh measures against journalists.
“Our excitement and curiosity take shape in this work”
Criticizing the normalization of these practices, Yılmaz dismisses the warnings he receives from those around him as thoughtless:
“Just as you wouldn’t tell a greengrocer, ‘Stop selling apples,’ you shouldn’t tell a journalist, ‘Don’t report on this.’ Our passion and our curiosity take shape through this work. I cannot recall a single week in recent years where I haven’t felt exhausted. I simply cannot get used to my colleagues or human rights defenders being taken into custody or arrested. Right now, being detained or arrested is treated as if it were a standard, routine measure.”
Yılmaz added that instead of making jokes, such as telling journalists, “to not go and get themselves arrested,” people should offer solidarity to them and their families; she emphasized that turning such a serious matter into a joke only normalizes it.
“Tüm canlılara karşı sorumlusunuz”
Stating that he has no intention of abandoning his profession despite everything, Yılmaz noted that he draws his inspiration and motivation from figures like Hrant Dink, Musa Anter, and many other journalists who grew up on these lands:
“As journalists, we also bear a historical responsibility. You have a responsibility toward the public, toward everyone who reads and follows your work and, indeed, toward all living beings. I believe that nothing can prevent us from continuing our profession. My greatest source of motivation is giving a voice to those, both humans and animals, whose voices otherwise go unheard. When you encounter people from various walks of life in a courthouse, whose stories you have covered or whose lives you have touched, you realize once again that you are doing something right. I know that we will overcome these times as well.”
What happened?
Turkey has recently been facing an intense wave of censorship. Following the arrest of TELE1 Editor-in-Chief Merdan Yanardağ on charges of “espionage,” the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) was appointed as a trustee to the channel on October 24, 2025.
“Tele2”, a YouTube initiative launched by TELE1 staff following the appointment of the trustee, was forced to cease operations on October 2, 2026, because it could not afford the 2 million TL license fee demanded by the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK).
Under an operation targeting LGBTI+ individuals, dubbed “My Family Is Safe” (Ailem Güvende) and led by Minister of Justice Akın Gürlek, hundreds of social media accounts, including those belonging to newspapers and journalists, were blocked. Journalist Tuğba Tekerek was arrested as part of these operations.
On September 30, the Istanbul 1st Criminal Judgeship of Peace ordered the shutdown of T24’s website and social media accounts, citing its coverage of LGBTI+ issues.
On the morning of October 14, 2026, it was announced that a trustee had been appointed to Halk TV, and police entered the broadcaster’s premises. On October 21, Halk TV’s account on X was blocked. Prior to this, journalists Şaban Sevinç and Mustafa Balcı were arrested on charges of “publicly disseminating misleading information” due to their posts and reports regarding an investigation into certain funding sources; meanwhile, journalists İsmail Saymaz and Murat Ağırel were placed under house arrest as a form of judicial control. Subsequently, on October 15, Halk TV columnist Bahadır Özgür was taken into custody on charges of “violating the confidentiality of an investigation” following a post he made on X concerning the same funding investigation. Ağırel was taken into custody on the morning of October 16, while he was still under house arrest.
İsmail Arı, a reporter for the newspaper BirGün, who had previously been arrested on March 22, 2026, on charges of “publicly disseminating misleading information,” spent 75 days in Sincan Prison, and was subsequently released in June, was arrested once again on October 23, with “risk of flight” cited as the reason.
Meanwhile, various media outlets, including the Mesopotamia Agency (MA), Yeni Yaşam newspaper, Jinnews, NuJINHA, and Ajansa Welat, have continued to face access bans, detentions, arrests, and intense pressure for years.
Most recently, the entire website of the Mesopotamia Agency (MA) was blocked on October 6, following a decision by a Criminal Peace Judgeship. The MA noted that this marked the 44th time an access ban had been imposed on the agency. On October 14, an access ban was also placed on the agency’s X (formerly Twitter) account. Additionally, the Instagram account “ajansawelat1,” belonging to Ajansa Welat, was blocked by the Information and Communication Technologies Authority (BTK) on September 16, 2026.
In July, the BTK also imposed access bans on Ajansa Welat’s website and X account. During the same period, the BTK also imposed access bans on the websites and accounts of several other media outlets, including Azadiya Welat and Nûmedya24.
In Istanbul, four people lost their lives following heavy downpours yesterday (October 14), with approximately 242 kilograms of rain recorded per square meter. As the rainfall flooded streets, homes, and transportation networks, schools across the province closed on Thursday, October 15.
Photo: Rûdaw
Heavy rainfall that began in Istanbul yesterday afternoon (October 14) caused significant disruptions across many areas. Due to the adverse weather conditions, some public transport services were cancelled, while numerous streets and neighborhoods experienced flooding. Footage showing rainwater gushing like a flood circulated on social media.
In statements released today (October 15) on its social media account, Metro Istanbul announced that services on the T3 Kadıköy-Moda Tram Line, T1 Kabataş-Bağcılar Tram Line, and M9 Ataköy-Olimpiyat Metro Line, which had been suspended due to adverse weather conditions, have returned to normal.
The Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) reported that during yesterday’s rainfall, some areas of the city, such as Beykoz, received 242 kilograms of precipitation per square meter, one of the highest levels recorded since 1985. According to the IBB, the rainfall prompted the municipality’s various departments to file a total of 6,937 reports.
According to the weather report issued by the Turkish State Meteorological Service (MGM) for October 15, intermittent showers and thunderstorms are expected in many provinces, including Istanbul. The report further notes that winds in the Marmara region are forecast to blow strongly, reaching storm force (50–80 km/h), from the north and northeast, and it includes a warning to “remain cautious and take necessary precautions against potential adverse events, such as the blowing off of roofs, the uprooting of trees, and disruptions to transportation.”
According to the MGM, the provinces categorized under the “orange” alert level, indicating dangerous weather conditions, are Kocaeli, Düzce, Zonguldak, Sakarya, Yalova, and Bursa; meanwhile, Adana, Adıyaman, Ağrı, Amasya, Ankara, Balıkesir, Bingöl, Bitlis, Bolu, Çanakkale, Çankırı, Çorum, Diyarbakır, Edirne, Elâzığ, Erzincan, Erzurum, Hakkâri, Hatay, Mersin, İstanbul, İzmir, Kastamonu, Kayseri, Kırklareli, Malatya, Manisa, Maraş, Mardin, Muş, Siirt, Sinop, Sivas, Tekirdağ, Dersim, Van, Bayburt, Batman, Şırnak, Bartın, Karabük, Osmaniye, and Düzce are listed under the “yellow” alert code.
Governor’s Office: 1,277 instances of flooding, 15 landslides
According to a statement issued by the Istanbul Governor’s Office yesterday evening at 20:19, extraordinary rainfall that persisted from 06:00 to 20:00 caused 1,277 flooding incidents. Additionally, the city recorded 15 landslides, 47 cases of people becoming stranded, 13 instances of fallen trees, and 2 cases of roofs being blown off. Reports also concerned 808 residences, 280 workplaces, and 76 vehicles. The statement further noted that 2,518 reports in total were relayed to the relevant emergency response teams.
Istanbul Governor Davut Gül warned citizens to avoid going out unless absolutely necessary. He also urged those living in basement-level dwellings to “spend the night in safer, higher-level areas” and cautioned everyone to stay away from stream beds, underpasses, and any flood-prone areas.
The rainfall was particularly intense on the European side of Istanbul. According to data from the Governor’s Office, 193.84 kilograms of rain per square meter was recorded in Beykoz-Ömerli, 125.9 kilograms in Arnavutköy, 124.72 kilograms at the Sarıyer-İTÜ Maslak station, 75.2 kilograms in Çatalca, 14.3 kilograms in Kartal, and 6.8 kilograms in Bakırköy.
ISTANBUL · OCTOBER 14, 2026
Heavy rains in Istanbul result in 4 deaths and thousands of reported incidents
The toll of rainfall in figures
4
people lost their lives
242 kg/m²
The rainfall measured in some areas such as Beykoz according to IBB
6.937
The report received by IBB units
1.277
instances of flooding
15
landslides
47
cases of being stranded
13
trees falling
2
roofs blowing off
808
residence related reports
280
workplace related reports
76
vehicle related reports
2.518
report directed to disaster response teams
The figures provided by the Governor’s Office pertain to the statement issued on October 14 at 20:19 and to the rainfall that occurred between 06:00 and 20:00.
Rainfall per square meter (kg/m²)
Beykoz-Ömerli
193,84
Arnavutköy
125,9
Sarıyer-İTÜ Maslak
124,72
Çatalca
75,2
Kartal
14,3
Bakırköy
6,8
The rainfall was particularly intense on the European side. IBB stated that the figure of 242 kg/m² is one of the highest levels recorded since 1985. The bars are plotted according to a scale of 200 kg/m².
Schools are closed
Following the rainfall, all schools across Istanbul were closed on Thursday, October 15.
4 people lost their lives
In Çukurbostan Park, located in the Balat neighborhood of Istanbul’s Fatih district, a 14-year-old child suffered an electric shock after stepping into a puddle formed by rainwater.
According to a written statement from the Istanbul Governor’s Office, the child identified as M.I. was struck by an electric current the moment he stepped into the puddle and subsequently lost consciousness; he was rushed to the hospital. The statement reported that, despite all medical interventions, the 14-year-old could not be saved and passed away.
Separately, in the Sarıyer district, 34-year-old S.Y. was attempting to cross the road in front of a guesthouse on Dereboyu Street when he slipped and fell, striking his head against the curb. Emergency medical teams arrived at the scene and transported S.Y. to the Seyrantepe Hamidiye Etfal Training and Research Hospital. Despite all medical efforts, S.Y. passed away while undergoing treatment at the hospital.
Following the heavy rain, the lifeless body of a man estimated to be in his 40s was recovered from the Kağıthane Stream.
In Beykoz, construction worker Faik Şentürk, who was working to drain floodwaters that had accumulated at the Firuz Bey Elementary School construction site, a project undertaken by Beyoğlu Construction, fell into a well. The worker was taken to the hospital but died despite all efforts to save him.
Floodwaters disrupt transport, leaving citizens stranded in the streets
Heavy rain and storms that persisted throughout the day in Istanbul caused significant disruptions to transportation. Many transit routes were flooded, leaving citizens in difficult situations. In the Ayazağa neighborhood of Sarıyer, people became trapped by floodwaters. In the same district, an IETT bus filled with water, leaving passengers stranded inside. Additionally, a tree fell on İstinye Bayırı in Sarıyer.
In the Beyoğlu and Esenyurt districts, a person swept away by floodwaters was rescued with the help of others.
Due to the downpour, streets and avenues across many districts were flooded, leading to the closure of roads, underpasses, and tunnels. Vehicles were swept away by floodwaters, homes and businesses were inundated, and individuals who became trapped were rescued with the aid of heavy machinery (excavators). In Beykoz, two people were injured when a garden wall collapsed.
In front of the Eyüpsultan Municipality building, a road collapse led to the closure of Eyüpsultan Boulevard to traffic. Meanwhile, in the Arnavutköy district, citizens attempting to return home found themselves stranded due to the flooding.
Schools have been closed
The Istanbul Governor’s Office has announced that in-person education in all public and private educational institutions across the city will be suspended for one day on Thursday, October 15.
The Governor’s Office further stated that pregnant employees and employees with disabilities working in public institutions, as well as veterans and female employees with children under the age of eight (under certain conditions), will be granted administrative leave.
Additionally, the use of motorcycles and similar two-wheeled vehicles on the road has been prohibited, effective from 9:00 PM on October 14, until further notice.
In addition to Istanbul, education has also been suspended for one day today in Kocaeli, Sakarya, Yalova, Düzce, and Zonguldak.
46 aircraft were unable to land
According to the Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure, weather conditions prevented 46 aircraft from landing at their intended airports yesterday. The Ministry reported that 43 planes that could not land at Istanbul Airport and 3 planes that could not land at Sabiha Gökçen Airport were diverted to alternative airports as a result of the adverse weather.
September 12, Koşuyolu; June 5, the Station; Dağkapı with its peace text; Sur after the ban… The “Barışın İzleri” (“Traces of Peace”) project aims to explore Diyarbakır’s memory sites through a “geography of the senses.”
Photos: Yekta Armanc Hatipoğlu/Niha+
On Saturday, October 10, I went to Koşuyolu Park to participate in the “Barışın İzleri” (“Traces of Peace”) project, supported as part of the Truth, Justice, and Memory Center’s “Square: Regaining the Freedom of Assembly and Public Space” initiative.
The walk, during which we would discuss the city’s memory sites together, began at 10:00 a.m. There were 12 of us in total, including the four-person “Barışın İzleri” team.
Koşuyolu and the Station Square: Two bombings
After our first stop at Koşuyolu Park where 10 people, including 8 children, were killed in the explosion on September 12, 2006; we spoke with relatives of the missing who were asking about the fate of their loved ones in front of the Monument to the Right to Life, and discussed what this park means to each of us individually. We then walked to our second stop, Station Square.
Station Square, which holds significant importance in Diyarbakır’s collective memory, is remembered less for the large rallies held here or the grand marches that passed through it, and more for the attack carried out by ISIS during a rally of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) on June 5, 2015—an attack that killed 5 people and injured over 400.
After talking about June 5, the rallies here, the crowds spilling over, the honking horns, and the narrow sidewalk, we rest for a bit at the Çand Amed Cultural Center and then head toward Dağkapı.
Diyarbakır saw Öcalan in Dağkapı Square after many years
We sit on the grass near the walls of the Old City, close to Dağkapı Square, and talk about the square.
Diyarbakır saw Abdullah Öcalan’s photo here for the first time in years during the February 27 call for peace; it was here that the city heard his message calling for the laying down of arms and a transition to democratic politics. Sadness, bittersweetness, joy, curiosity, excitement, and so many other emotions were felt most intensely right here.
Newroz Square and Kemal Kurkut
When discussing places of memory in Diyarbakır, one cannot fail to mention Newroz and Newroz Square. The conversation, which began with the square’s location far from the city center, continued with a discussion of the place Kemal Kurkut—who was killed by a police bullet during the 2017 Newroz celebrations—holds in the public’s political memory.
The transformation of Old Sur through photographs, Margosyan’s Street
We also looked at photographs of Old Sur here. We examined photos from the 2015–16 period—a time that, while not particularly long ago for most cities, feels very distant for Diyarbakır. We witnessed the intensity of the change. The city, politics, people—everything had changed, very quickly and destructively…
Next, we find ourselves in the streets of Sur. Amid the scent of liver and the sound of hammering iron, we make our way down from the Blacksmiths’ Bazaar (Demirciler Çarşısı). Here, we pay tribute to the writer Migirdich Margosyan and talk about him.
At its December 9, 2009, session, the Sur City Council renamed the street formerly known as Direkçi to “Mıgırdiç Margosyan.” Margosyan, however, had declined to have his name given to the street where he was born, arguing that the mindset in Turkey had not yet changed and that the steps taken today could be undone tomorrow, and his name could be removed from where it had been displayed. Despite this, his name was not removed from the street.
However, the 103-day curfews announced in December 2015, the clashes in Sur, and the subsequent destruction resulted not only in Margosyan’s name being taken down from the wall but also in the complete leveling of many streets, including the one bearing his name.
From there, we went to the Four-Legged Minaret, where we witnessed how a city’s memory space had been “sacrificed” to tourism. On our way there, after witnessing the tradition of offering Kurdish coffee—which no one in the city drinks anymore—and the ritual of spinning beneath the Four-Legged Minaret, which has “become a tradition” following the period of conflict, and after truly observing these from the outside, we went to the Rengarenk Umutlar Association.
The walk ended, and we moved on to the workshop session.
Here, we had the opportunity to reflect on what we had seen, heard, and experienced throughout the day.
After the workshop ended, I spoke with project director Bervan Tan and project facilitator Dr. Sevcan Tiftik about both the project in general and how the meetings so far had gone.
“The goal is not to tell history or take a cultural tour”
Project manager Bervan Tan began by explaining that the Traces of Peace Project is supported under the Memory Center’s “Meydan” program, a program designed to reclaim social and public spaces and bring all segments of society back into the public squares.
Bervan Tan
She noted that the “Memory of Diyarbakır Square” also consists of five stops: Koşuyolu Park, Station Square, Dağkapı, the streets of Sur, and the Four-Legged Minaret. Tan said they also discussed the old Newroz celebrations in Dağkapı.
Tan explained that they approached these topics through the lens of sensory geography:
“The goal isn’t to tell a story of history, nor is this actually a cultural tour; nor am I a storyteller of history. We’re actually focusing on the impact that the events experienced here have had on me and the reflections that arise in the participants as I share this… While speaking there, by asking the participants questions, we aim to see their individual experiences—that process extending from the individual to the collective. That’s what we’re discussing,” she said.
“Our senses are part of the relationship we form with a place”
Project facilitator Sevcan Tiftik said they also discussed the impact of emotions on the collective.
Tiftik emphasized that what they do on these walks is not merely about touring Diyarbakır’s memory spaces or simply recounting what happened in the past here. “We also try to look at what we encounter, see, and hear in those spaces today, and what is no longer there. Because what we call ‘memory’ isn’t just made up of what happened in the past or what was told to us. When we walk down that street today, when we look at a square, when we hear a sound, or when we notice something that is no longer there, we’re also connecting with the past. “That’s partly why we start from the geography of the senses. I mean, the sounds, the smells, the rhythm of our bodies as we walk, sometimes stopping to look around, and sometimes wanting to get away from there as quickly as possible… All of these are actually part of the relationship we form with that place,” she said.
Sevcan Tiftik
Tiftik also touched on the subject of emotions, noting that they approach emotions in a more political way and in conjunction with touch, drawing inspiration from Sara Ahmed. Tiftik explained that they do not view emotions as purely individual, internal experiences; rather, emotions also have a social, collective, and political dimension.
Bringing together different experiences
Tiftik illustrated her points with the following example:
“For instance, whose pain is visible, whose grief can we mourn, which losses do we remember, and which ones are erased from the public sphere? These are also issues related to emotions and memory. And of course, we don’t all feel the same things in the same space. A street where one person spent their childhood and walked every day can be the setting for a loss or a story that another person is hearing about for the first time. Something that is very familiar to one of us can be completely foreign to another. I think that’s precisely what’s important here. In other words, we don’t expect everyone to remember the same thing, to be angry about the same thing, or to share the same emotions. In fact, we aren’t even trying to establish that kind of common ground. We’re thinking a bit about how we can come together despite our different experiences and memories.
That’s why, during our walks, we bring along Bervan’s testimonies, our own testimonies, and our personal experiences—including those of the participants—as well as what we’ve heard from our families and those around us, what we’ve read, what we remember, and sometimes even things we’ve never known. We ask each other questions, and sometimes we rethink things we thought we knew. For example, even a tiny detail shared by a participant can make all of us see that place in a different light. So, in a way, we’re learning together and connecting with each other’s memories. But there’s something else we prioritize here. We want this to be a space where no one feels obligated to speak, share their own experiences, or recall specific details. Because staying silent—or simply listening—is also part of this encounter.”
Tiftik responded to the likely question, “What does all this have to do with peace?” by saying that they had explored this question a bit during the walk. Noting that they cannot think of peace in narrow terms—such as the end of conflicts or the remembrance of past events—Tiftik said, “For example, who is able to gather in those squares today, and who isn’t? Whose voices are heard, and whose stories are given space? Who can walk comfortably on those streets, and who cannot? All of this, and much more is related to peace. And of course, while discussing all these losses, the destruction, and the violence, we also need to look at how life goes on. How do people continue to live amidst all of this, how do they relate to one another, what do they protect and what do they trying to reform?”
Tan continued by saying that, as of now (October 10), they had held a total of four meetings and had addressed a wide variety of topics during each of them. Tan noted that the same events can have very different effects on individuals or vary significantly from group to group, saying, “While in one group we focus more on the cultural aspect of this, in another we discuss the gender or queer aspects, and in yet another we might talk about the memory of war.”
The writings will be published on the blog and social media
Tiftik also noted that they wanted to document all of this in some way and share it with others later, which is why they concluded the walks with a writing workshop.
During the walk, they did not ask participants to constantly take notes or record anything because they valued them simply being present in the moment—paying attention to their surroundings, to one another, and to themselves—but afterward, at the end of the day, they gathered to write down what they had talked about, what they hadn’t been able to discuss, what they remembered, what they had forgotten, where they had fallen silent, what had bothered them, and what had caught their attention.
Tiftik explained that everyone would create short texts and passages based on their own experiences and feelings, and that these would be shared on blogs and social media accounts with the participants’ consent. “This way, the thoughts they shared during the walk won’t be limited to those present that day—they’ll have the chance to reach other people as well,” she said.
“As tracing the traces of other losses in Diyarbakır, we also remembered Ankara”
Referring to the October 10 Ankara Train Station Massacre, Tiftik, to illustrate what Tan had said about the uniqueness of each gathering, noted, “For example, today is October 10. It’s the anniversary of the Ankara Train Station Massacre. In Diyarbakır, while following the traces of other losses and other struggles, we also commemorated Ankara and spoke at length about it. In fact, this is one of the reasons why every march is different from the others. The day itself, what the participants bring with them, the country’s current events, and sometimes an unexpected encounter while walking between stops—all of these can change the course of the march. “In other words, what we call ‘memory’ is moving with us today,” she said.
“We’re not just talking about the participants’ memories, actually,” said Tiftik, noting that the memory walk also encompasses the relationship established with the city, and continued:
“And then, of course, there’s the city itself. Its streets, walls, trees, animals, trash, sounds, water, smells—the entire landscape… Even the things that sometimes bother us, the things we don’t want to see or smell, are part of it. We look at the city, but at the same time, we’re exposed to the gazes of others within it. There are things about the city that we find repulsive, and there are people who find us repulsive. Whose body is acceptable on that street? Who is seen as belonging there, and who isn’t? Who we are, how we look, where we stand, and how we walk also shape this encounter.
“Walking down a street doesn’t mean the same thing to everyone. That’s why we’re talking together about how we exist in this city, and how we relate to the city and to one another.”
“Do we feel safe in the public squares?”
Tan said that one of her first impressions of the march was about gender equality.
“How safe do women, queer people, or minority groups really feel here, and how much space can they find in the squares? Yes, we’re collectively together, but how safe do we feel as individuals—or do we even feel safe at all? We discussed these issues a bit with the participants. Hearing these perspectives from the participants was truly valuable to me. Because it was a topic I’d been thinking about constantly. We received comments from participants like, ‘I don’t feel comfortable either. Yes, I’m in the square, but I’m actually not at all comfortable—or I’m not really participating.’”
Tan also shared another topic that caught her attention:
“Especially young people in their early 20s don’t know much about Istasyon Square or the events that took place in the early 2000s—the events that happened in the very places they walk through or pass by every day: the Istasyon bombing, the Koşuyolu Park bombing… This is a result of young people becoming apolitical. Because young people are actually one of the most important custodians of this place’s memory, but they feel the city has largely shut them out.”
“Young people don’t know where they are in the peaceprocess”
Tiftik said that one of the things that caught his attention during the memory walks was the young people’s accounts.
“Especially when we think in terms of ‘Traces of Peace,’ our goal is, in part, to make peace a social reality; for young people to become active agents of peace, part of the process, and both the bearers and direct recipients of memory… But I’ve observed that they don’t know how to channel this memory into the construction of peace, or where they themselves fit into this process. Especially when discussing Amed’s memory from the 1990s to the present, we see that young people’s relationship with this memory is largely built not through direct witnessing, but through what has been passed down to them. “If you’re politically engaged, part of a movement, or focusing on and researching a specific news story, event, or incident, you can access this information. But from what I gather from the young people’s accounts, peace often presents itself to them not as an experience whose memory they’ve inherited, but rather as an issue they don’t really understand—one they’ve come to know primarily through war and conflict.”
Tiftik explained that on this journey they’ve embarked on as “Barışın İzleri” they’ve sought to examine the memories of these public squares through a participatory sensory geography approach. He noted that the common issue he encountered in all four walks was this:
“We don’t really know how to trace the path to peace, where we stand in relation to peace, or even what peace itself is. Because we’ve always faced war, conflict, and loss. The participants also said they didn’t know what they could do for peace, how to talk about peace, or how to establish a connection between memory and peace.”
Noting that the participants came from a wide range of ages, genders, and educational backgrounds, “We learned a great deal from one another as each person brought their own experiences, intersecting identities, and diverse perspectives to this space. It was a process in which we reimagined Amed’s memory through each other’s memories, opened up to one another, and worked to create a safe space. We hope that this kind of work will continue,” she concluded.
The Arîn Culture and Arts Student Association opened on October 11 in Istanbul’s Fatih district. Melisa Çelik and Mehmet Yiğit from the association emphasized that students’ social spaces are limited and that, as an alternative, there needs to be a communal youth space like Arîn where artistic and cultural activities take place.
Photo: Doğa Tekneci / Niha+
The Arîn Culture and Arts Student Association held its opening ceremony yesterday, on October 11, in Istanbul’s Fatih district. The opening ceremony, held at the association’s building in the İskenderpaşa neighborhood, was attended by students as well as many other people.
Young people dressed in traditional attire celebrated the association’s opening by dancing the halay (govend) to the sound of zılgıt and applause.
Feleknaz Karabaş, a member of the Istanbul Council of Peace Mothers, was the first to speak at the ceremony, saying that it was an honor to see young people championing their language and culture. Karabaş noted that without young people, they would be incomplete, emphasizing that language, culture, and art represent a people’s very existence, and called on everyone to “stand up for our existence.” Karabaş’s speech was met with applause and cheers.
“We aim for a communal life”
Melisa Çelik and Mehmet Yiğit from the Arîn Culture and Arts Student Association explained the association’s purpose and the types of activities it will undertake to Niha+.
Melisa Çelik defined the association’s founding purpose as “offering a collective life through communal labor.” Çelik said that communal life is something students can create not only in villages and rural areas but also in city centers by coming together.
Drawing attention to women’s initiatives in Arîn, Çelik noted that they plan to hold workshops on jineology, art, philosophy, and culture.
“The mechanisms of oppression in homes, dormitories, and schools are pushing young people toward ‘café’ culture. Under the guise of this 2–3-hour ‘freedom,’ young people feel trapped. Places like Arîn aim to foster communal living and unity in a communal way.”
Mehmet Yiğit from the association, meanwhile, emphasized that students’ living spaces are restricted “by the capitalist system” and that, as an alternative, there needs to be a youth space like Arîn where artistic and cultural activities take place:
“Since the capitalist system is increasingly restricting all areas of human life, especially those of youth and students, we thought about what we could create as an alternative, and that’s when the Arîn Culture, Arts, and Student Association came to mind. Here, we will engage in art, culture, and technology projects.”
Yiğit also mentioned that, in addition to piano, guitar, and bağlama lessons, various workshops and classes in Kurdish and English would be offered.
Songs by Şahê Bedo accompanied the opening
Following the opening remarks, Kurdish artist Şahê Bedo performed several songs. Many people gathered in front of the association accompanied Şahê Bedo’s songs with victory signs. After the songs, the young people at the association invited everyone who had come to celebrate the opening inside to tour the facility.
The “Free Women’s Room” and workshop on the top floor, along with the common area on the middle floor, created a colorful impression for those who entered. Various paintings, rugs with regional patterns, and musical instruments filled the rooms. The photograph of Musa Anter, Eyşe Şan, and Hozan Serhad on the top floor was particularly striking.
The crowd touring the interior of the association then went back outside and continued celebrating the opening.
The opening concluded with traditional halay dances.
Kurdish songwriter Sîmir Rûdan has released his third studio album, Ez û Gîtara Xwe (Me and My Guitar). The 10-track album features stripped-back arrangements consisting solely of vocal and guitar performances.
Written, composed, and arranged entirely by Rûdan, Ez û Gîtara Xwe was largely self-produced and recorded by the artist. Rûdan noted that minor recording imperfections were intentionally left uncorrected to preserve authenticity, with nearly half of the tracks recorded without a metronome. The album was mixed and mastered by Hakan Kurşun, while the polyphonic classical guitar arrangements draw directly from Rûdan’s background in classical guitar.
The album centers heavily on themes of longing, distance, and isolation. The opening track, “Tu Dûr î” (“You Are Far”), sets the tone with its opening line: “One side of me is exposed, I am always cold.” Subsequent tracks like “Kendalên Bêbinî” (“Bottomless Chasm”), “Rosa,” “Mona Lisa,” “Derewên Te” (“Your Lies”), and “Bi Xatirê Te” (“Goodbye”) further explore themes of emotional distance and seclusion, while “Min Nîne” (“I Do Not Have”) functions as a plea.
“Ez ê Nekarim” (“I Won’t Be Able To”) addresses human limitations, such as the inability to wander the streets of distant cities, meet every remarkable person, or read every great book. Despite this sense of grief and emptiness, the track shifts toward a persistent search for openness to life.
In contrast, “Hûlê Hej Te Dikim” (“This Is How I Love You”) stands out for its focus on love. Unlike the remaining nine tracks, it is performed in the local Kurdish dialect of Cizre, where Rûdan was born and raised. The closing track, “Muzîk Heye” (“There Is Music”), brings the project to a close with a celebration of music itself.
Designed by Candan Giyen, the cover artwork features a colorful guitar and a broken heart rather than a traditional portrait. Though described by some listeners as minimalist, the design reflects the album’s core themes of loss and incompleteness. A line accidentally drawn over the guitar’s sound hole during the illustration process was deliberately left intact.
Background and previous worksof Rûdan
Sîmir Rûdan debuted in 2013 with his self-written and arranged album Bi Çîrokî (Fairy-tale-like), which was named Album of the Year by the arts and culture outlet Hawar.net. In 2015, he contributed the track “Berfîn” (“Snowdrop”) to the collaborative album Peşk (Drop), followed by his second solo album, Kevî (Shore), in 2019.
In 2024, Rûdan released two consecutive singles, “Hê Jî Digerim” (“I Am Still Wandering”) and “Yekî Gotibû” (“Someone Once Said”). He also performed “Birîn” (“Wound”) for Na, Ne Tenê Me! (No, I Am Not Alone!), a tribute project honoring Mehmet Atlı’s 30-year career. Throughout 2025, he released a series of works including “Sira Sibê,” “Fîncan,” “Reng Esmerê,” “Ez Berf im,” and “Her Evîndarê Caran im.”
