Queer poets say “queer poetry exists to disrupt mainstream showcases”

Poets Deniz Erkaradağ and Ceren Avşar discussed how queer identity intersects with poetry, the imagery in queer poetry, how the Turkish language creates space for this kind of writing, and the censorship practices they encountered in publishing.

[…] poetry is not a luxury. It is a vital necessity of our existence. It forms the quality of the light within which we predicate our hopes and dreams toward survival and change, first made into language, then into idea, then into more tangible action.


-Audre Lorde

As Black lesbian feminist poet Audre Lorde reminds us, poetry is a way of “naming the nameless.” Queer poetry, in this respect, takes on an additional unique burden: to describe an “invisible” experience in a world constructed by the language in which it seeks to exist, while simultaneously challenging the normative boundaries of that language.

The roots of queer poetry in Turkey go back further than commonly believed. From the veiled themes of male desire explored in Divan literature, to Enderunlu Fazıl’s “Defter-i Aşk” (Book of Love) which was confiscated centuries ago, to the poems of Arkadaş Z. Özger, and to the often invisible framework that has grown around organizations like Kaos GL and Lambdaistanbul today, queer poetry has been almost entirely absent from the “mainstream” part of literary history and has had to be gathered from archives, oral history, or independent sources.

Speaking to Niha+, poets Ceren Avşar and Deniz Erkaradağ stated that poetry is not a theme or a subject, but rather a space where language is re-constructed, a space of images and perspectives. Avşar and Erkaradağ discussed both the unexpected freedoms inherent in the genderless nature of the Turkish language and the reality of censorship that still persists at the levels of publishing, distribution, and public visibility.

“Queer poetry is also political”

Deniz Erkaradağ

In Turkey, the category of “political poetry” has long excluded LGBTQ+ identities. Poet Deniz Erkaradağ explained this situation by saying, “There is a field called political poetry, and this field does not include LGBTQ+ identities in any way. When you talk about queer poetry, you encounter something like ‘that’s bourgeois poetry, it’s not political anyway.'” Stating that this distinction does not reflect the truth, Erkaradağ emphasized that both her poetry and queer poetry are political, saying, “My poetry is definitely political, and queer poetry is also political. It’s impossible for me not to reflect this in my writing.”

Ceren Avşar, speaking from a similar perspective, argues that for her, queer identity is not a theme added later to poetry, but a constitutive space at the center of her existence and, consequently, her language. Bringing Judith Butler’s idea of ​​performativity from Gender Trouble to poetry, Avşar explains that language itself is given through the language of power and norms, and that she re-bends, distorts, and reconstructs this while writing. Referring to Michel Foucault’s History of Sexuality, she defines writing poetry as a practice of “counter-discourse” against the discourse produced by power.

Ceren Avşar

Writing in a language without gender

Erkaradağ, interpreting the contributions of Turkish to poetry from a gender perspective, stated that she does not find Turkish “poor” in this regard and that it does not experience a language barrier in terms of identity or gender expression. Erkaradağ also emphasized that some theoretical concepts in academia (for example, “queer” or “gender”) may be controversial.

According to Avşar, who stated that the absence of masculine or feminine suffixes in Turkish opens up a space of freedom in the context of gender and queer existence, Turkish is a direct “opportunity” in this sense. She explained that in many languages, the subject is confined to a binary gender regime from the very first step, while Turkish offers “a neutral playground where ambiguity and fluidity prevail.”

Avşar also relates this to her own experience with dyslexia:

“As someone living with dyslexia, learning another language, penetrating its structure, and being able to write in it is extremely difficult, even impossible, for me. Therefore, the production, the refuge, and the entire universe of expression have become, in a way, necessary to be drawn to a single center: Turkish. However, this situation has transformed my connection with Turkish into an extremely deep and layered relationship. My inability to find resonance in other languages ​​has led me to delve deeper into the veins, flexibilities, and hidden spaces of this single language I can master.

The genderless nature of Turkish makes it easier for me to transcend the sexist boundaries of power and norms within this monolingual universe. I may be limited by the boundaries of a specific language; however, thanks to the timeless and genderless flexibility offered by Turkish, I can create an infinite world of imagery within those boundaries.”

“Queer poetry exists to disrupt mainstream showcases”

Erkaradağ, evaluating the censorship mechanisms targeting queer poetry, stated that they don’t write queer poetry invisibly, saying, “It’s so obvious that it’s being banned.” Erkaradağ also claimed that Kitapyurdu has deliberately started excluding queer books from its catalog, and that they can’t get into chains like D&R.

Therefore, she said, relying on independent publications and digital or independent distribution networks has become a necessity for queer poetry. “There’s a big difference between a bookstore receiving hundreds of copies of a book and boutique publishing houses trying to sell them individually,” she added.

Erkaradağ’s account isn’t just about one experience; there are hundreds of similar examples. The Turkish Publishers Association, PEN Turkey, and the Turkish Writers’ Union have repeatedly issued joint condemnations against the “obscene publications” mechanism, which operates under the Ministry of Family and Social Services and is used by the Board for the Protection of Minors from Obscene Publications. LGBT+ themed books have been repeatedly removed from digital sales platforms through this mechanism. One of the best-known examples is the Heartstopper series, removed from D&R due to its queer content. Sales of the book were halted in 2021 on the grounds that it was “of a nature that would have a harmful effect on the morality of those under 18.”

He explained that censorship manifests itself as either a “conservative state of ignoring that renders queer existence invisible” or a “fetishizing approach that views queer existence as a marketable ‘marginality'”:

“Sometimes censorship doesn’t manifest as the refusal to publish the text; it appears as an aesthetic intervention in editorial processes under the guise of ‘making the language more universal’ or ‘finding the image too direct.’ Fetishization, on the other hand, tends to perceive queer poetry not through the poetic power of the text itself, but solely through the label it carries, as an ‘interesting’ or ‘political appeal.’

It’s no coincidence that queer poetry establishes its own free space through independent publications, fanzines, and alternative platforms, in opposition to this restrictive, sterilizing, or meta-transforming structure of the mainstream, because queer poetry doesn’t need the approval of the mainstream or the showcases it creates to gain acceptance. On the contrary, it exists precisely to disrupt those showcases and boundaries.”

Erkaradağ also stated that fetishization can particularly manifest in “liberal and capitalized” forms of the queer movement, emphasizing that in the current climate of intense pressure on the LGBT+ movement (police intervention in Pride Marches, closure of associations, detention of volunteers), one should not speak of such a “fetish” atmosphere, but rather of a direct threat and a need for solidarity.

Arkadaş Z. Özger

Born in Bursa in 1948, Arkadaş Z. Özger (pseudonym) graduated from the Faculty of Political Sciences, Department of Press and Broadcasting at Ankara University. During a police raid on the Faculty of Political Sciences dormitory on January 24, 1971, and subsequent detention, Arkadaş was subjected to torture and suffered severe head injuries. In 1973, at the age of 25, he was found severely wounded on Meşrutiyet Street in Ankara. While the official cause of death was a brain hemorrhage, some believe that Arkadaş bore the marks of an attack stemming from his identity. His book, which he intended to title “The Tragedy of a Beardless Boy,” was only published under the same title in 2014, decades after his death.

Erkaradağ stated that Arkadaş is still not fully recognized for his queer identity, and that a state of “inability to accept” this identity persists, sometimes ignored or rejected by former leftist circles.

Whose voice is heard?

Avşar stated that, “no matter how hard she tries to be brave in her writings or public presence, the dark reality of the geography she lives inevitably imposes self-censorship on her.” Avşar described this self-censorship not as a “retreat,” but as “a survival reflex constantly clashing with a heavy sense of responsibility growing within her”:

“For every woman and LGBTQ+ person whose life has been taken and whose voice has been silenced, writing, speaking, and existing is no longer a personal choice for me, but an unavoidable duty. Therefore, despite the human anxiety and internal obstacles I experience, I see being visible as a necessity. It is our duty to be the voice of those who have been murdered, ignored, and targeted because of their identity and existence, to carry their cries into words and images. Pushing the suffocating boundaries of self-censorship again and again, saying ‘we are here’ at all costs, and being able to exist in the public sphere without compromising our own truth is our greatest responsibility towards those we have lost.”

Erkaradağ, however, underlined another point. Erkaradağ, commenting on the inequality within the queer literature field itself, stated that a “gay male poet” can have the chance to be visible in the mainstream, appear on television, and even become “mainstream” to some extent, but queer female poets who refuse to enter the male-dominated environment cannot achieve the same visibility in Turkey.

Images of identity in poetry

Both poets explained that they wove their identities into imagery in their poetry.

Erkaradağ stated that she did not use a recurring, fixed symbol in her poetry, but occasionally incorporated fantastic elements from her reading of fantasy/science fiction, while for Avşar, the central image was “the house.”

Avşar took Bachelard’s idea of ​​the house as “the dwelling place of the soul” and, moving beyond a heteronormative, fixed structure, defined it as “a house with bendable walls, doors open to uncertainty, constantly being rebuilt.” She also defined the motifs accompanying this image—body, water, shell, shadow, echo, and threshold—as parts of the same fluid existence.

Poems from each poet: “Parla” and “Anneannem öldü”

Erkaradağ shared her poem titled “Parla,” stating that her own experiences found political meaning in the poem and that it carries a fantastic theme.

Parla

ürkütücü söylemsel, dönüştürücü bir an

Sihirbaz büyülendiğinde Tek Boynuzlu At nasıl lanetlenir

ruhaniliğime asla karşı konulamaz, komplona inandığın gibi

bu gece son denemen olacak

bu kahramanca taç, garip, ben ufuk

vizyonunu genişlet biraz,

bıçak bulundu !

devlerle dost karahindiba

Krallıklar örgüye döndüğünde

yaprakların ruhu mu satılan yoksa Ejderhalar mı?

sorgularsanız Goblininiz çıkar

biri bu hikâyeleri anlatacak, kırmızı elma pembe değil

aşağıda halsiz titreme

ezici çoğunluk çiçek kocasının altında

ben postu korurum, genellikle barış daha derindir

görev değil ama korkunç bir şekilde, düşen çığlığı bilir

onların öpüşmesi yarığa geliyor

dramatik inançlar, felaket aroması

bu büyüleyici kar

şarkı söylemek geriye dönük

günahlarım büyülendi.

Avşar shared her poem titled “Anneannem öldü,” expressing its meaning for her as follows:

“This poem is not just a lament for my grandmother, but a story of one woman helping another, of that unyielding female solidarity where even absence transforms into presence. It is the poem of all women whose grandmothers have died, who hear their mothers’ silence, who understand through their aunts’ eyes, who touch their sisters’ wounds, because we are women wounded by the paper cut of the past, but who have given birth to our own language, our own refuge, and our own truth from that wound. My grandmother died, but she is always present because the secret knowledge she whispered continues to live on in these lines and everywhere we look into each other’s eyes. I always say, woman is woman’s homeland.”

Anneannem öldü


Bunun ne demek olduğunu
anneannesi ölen kadınlar anlar

Bana bi şeyler anlatırdı
anneannem gizli gizli
Gizli gizli anlatırdı
çünkü erkek doğmamıştı
ve bizim topraklarımızda
kadınların bi şeyler bilmesi ayıptı

Bizim dışımızdaki bütün sülale eşrafı erkekti sanki
sanki bilgiye bi biz vakıftık
Anneannem bana bilgiyi aramanın
bilginin kendisinden daha önemli olduğunu anlattı

Öldükten sonra da bana bi şeyler anlattı anneannem
Mezar taşına yazdı
ben taştan okudum
yokluğun doldurulabildiğini
gözün geleceği görebildiğini
geçmişin kağıt kesiği olduğunu
erkekleri anlayamamayı
anlamayı başka şeyleri
kadınları sevmeyi
aşk üzerine konuşulmaması gerektiğini
konuşunca porçöz görmüş kireç gibi cozurdayıp
yok olacağını anlattı

Kuzuların kuru üzüm sevdiğini
Sinamekinin bağırsaklara iyi geldiğini
Seçmeyi en güzel karpuzu
Nevresimi ütülü gibi katlamayı
Resimde zıt renklerin bir arada kullanılması gerektiğini

Anneannem anlatmadı kendini
nerede doğduğunu nerede öldüğünü neden öldüğünü

Anneannem bi vardı bi yoktu
Benim anneannem öldü
bunun ne demek olduğunu
anneannesi ölen
kadınlar anlar

Hep vardı anneannem öldü ama hep vardı
bunda tuhaf bi yan vardı

10 years of the legal struggle of academics for peace

Only 18 of the Academics for Peace have had the irreinstatement finalized


Academics for Peace declared that in the 10 years since being expelled from public service under State of Emergency Decree-Laws (OHAL KHK), 385 of their applications were rejected, 189 lawsuits were dismissed and 173 were ruled in the applicants’ favor. Out of hundreds of applications, only 18 of the scholars were granted to be reinstated to their posts.


The Academics for Peace, who were dismissed under the State of Emergency Decree-Law after issuing a “Statement forPeace,” released a declaration detailing the events that have unfolded since the first expulsions ruled a decade ago.

Through the announcement on their social media account, the Academics for Peace shared statistical data covering the periodfrom 2016 to 2026. According to this data, 10 State of Emergency Decree-Laws issued between 2016 and 2018,resulted in the expulsion of 406 academics, and 385 of the applications made to the Inquiry Commission on State of Emergency Measures (OHAL İşlemleri İnceleme Komisyonu) were rejected.

The commission, established in 2017, did not finish announcing its rejection decisions until the end of 2021. Only after this date could applications be filed with the courts. Emphasizing this barrier, Academics for Peace stated, “Access to justice was blocked for nearly 5 years.”

189 Rejections from the Administrative Courts

Alongside the data on the administrative courts and regional administrative courts, the announcement provided information regarding the Council of State (Danıştay) and Constitutional Court (Anayasa Mahkemesi).

Accordingly, of the lawsuits brought before the administrative courts, 189 resulted in rejection while 173 were accepted. As for the regional administrative courts, the appeals in 124 cases resulted either in the acceptance of the appeal or the reversal of the decision, both against the applicant.

In contrast, 147 of the cases concluded with a reversal or an acceptance in favor of the applicant, while no decision was reached in 91 cases.

As for the 5th Chamber of the Council of State (Danıştay 5.Daire), where the cases of the Academics for Peace were brought, 18 cases resulted in a favorable upholding decision, finalizing their reinstatement to office. In 4 cases, an unfavorable upholding decision was issued, leading them to be brought before the Constitutional Court. In one case, an unfavorable reversal decision was issued; since this ruling differed from the regional administrative court’s judgment, the case is currently being reconsidered by the regionaladministrative court (BİM).

In an additional 29 cases, the process resulted in favorable reversal. However, as the rulings differ from the Regional Administrative Court’s decisions, they are being re-evaluated by the regional court. In 9 of the cases, the regional administrative court insisted on its original decision to accept the appeal against the applicant. The cases were subsequently brought before the Plenary Session of Administrative Law Chambers of the Council of State (Danıştay İdari Dava Daireleri Kurulu).

Meanwhile, 219 cases remain pending without a decision.

4 Cases are currently before the Constitutional Court

The 4 cases brought before the Constitutional Court by the Academics for Peace are currently being heard. 9 case files are pending before the Plenary Session of Administrative Law Chambers of the Council of State.

Background

The 406 academics who signed the declaration titled “We will not be a party to this crime!” on January 11, 2016, were expelled under Decree-Laws signed by then-President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on September 1, 2016. In addition, 822 of the signatory academics stood trial before the Heavy Penal Court.

Although the Heavy Penal Court issued acquittals, ruling that the petition fell under freedom of expression, the Academics for Peace were still not reinstated to their posts. This was because, regarding the applications the scholars had pending before the European Court of Human Rights during this period, it was ruled that “domestic remedies must first be exhausted.”

Following the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the State of Emergency (OHAL) Commission was established to handle all case files related to the Academics for Peace and the Gülenmovement. This commission issued rejection decisionsregarding the reinstatement of nearly all Academics for Peace. Because it took until 2021 for the commission to announce these rejection decisions, the academics’ access to a higher court was delayed by approximately 5 years.

As a result, the Regional Administrative Court proceedingsbegan in 2019. The legal process, which has now spanned nearly 10 years, is still ongoing.

As of June 2023, it was reported that numerous Academics for Peace, who had been dismissed under the decree-laws, were still not reinstated by universities, despite court rulings ordering their return to work.

According to the report regularly published by the Academics for Peace, while some courts rule in favor of the actions for annulment filed for their reinstatement, others might reject.

Furthermore, scholars of every level are being subjected to renewed security clearances, which include everything from screening social media accounts to reviewing memberships in foundations, associations, and similar organizations. As a result,the reinstatement processes take even longer, progressively restricting the academics’ active and critical production of knowledge.

84-year-old war criminal dies

Reactions to Ratko Mladić’s death

Reactions poured in from many sides following the death of Ratko Mladić, convicted of war crimes committed during the Bosnian War. Serbia’s justice minister said the convicted general would be buried “with the highest state honours.”

Ratko Mladić during a court hearing in The Hague. Photo: UN-IRMCT/Leslie Hondebrink-Hermer

Ratko Mladić, the Bosnian Serb general found responsible for crimes committed during the Bosnian War amid the breakup of Yugoslavia, died on August 27 (yesterday) at the age of 84. Since 2024 he had been held under United Nations (UN) custody in a hospital in The Hague, in the Netherlands.

In 2017 Mladić was found guilty of war crimes and the Srebrenica genocide and sentenced to life in prison by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT), the successor to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The sentence was upheld on appeal in 2021.

According to the Serbian press, about a week before Mladić’s death, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić had asked the Hague court to let Mladić spend his final days in Serbia, citing his deteriorating health, but the request was denied.

News of Mladić’s death was first confirmed late yesterday afternoon by Lidija Pavićević, State Secretary of Serbia’s Ministry of Human and Minority Rights.

Reactions came from many different sides.

Suljagić: His death does not turn a criminal into a historical figure

Part of the statement by Emir Suljagić, head of the Srebrenica Memorial Center, posted on his X account, reads as follows:

Ratko Mladić is dead, and there is not much to say. Nor does that fact change much. It does not bring back the dead. It does not erase mass graves. It does not change verdicts. It does not turn a criminal into a historical figure.

Izetbegović: Mladić will go down in history as a war criminal

Bakir Izetbegović, son of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s first president Alija Izetbegović and chairman of the right-wing Party of Democratic Action (SDA), said on his X account that Mladić would be remembered by history exactly as the final judgment of the Hague tribunal defined him: as a war criminal sentenced to life imprisonment for the gravest crimes committed on European soil since the Second World War.

Hotić: He died in disgrace

Kada Hotić, 82, whose husband and son were killed by Serb forces in 1995, said: “I am grateful to the Tribunal because it sentenced Mladić to life and has not released him. Justice was served on the day he was sentenced to life. He died in disgrace, because he killed so many people.”

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Justice Minister Zukan Helez, in a statement on his Facebook account, described Mladić as a convicted perpetrator of genocide and one of the most notorious war criminals Europe has seen since the Second World War.

Helez said that death brings no absolution, that mass graves will not be erased, that murdered children and parents will not return, and that all that remains is shame, the verdict, and the bloody trace of the crimes.

Justice minister: He will be buried with the highest state honours

Serbia’s Justice Minister Nenad Vujić announced that Mladić would be buried in Serbia, at a place to be determined by his family, “with the highest state honours”:

“General Mladić is a general and the protocols are known. His role is also known, but whatever belongs to General Mladić will certainly be honoured.”

However, despite the justice minister’s claim, it remains unclear whether a “state funeral” can legally be held for Mladić, who died while serving a life sentence and who, under the law, should have been discharged from military service and stripped of his rank because Article 110 (1/11) of Serbia’s Army Act provides that “unconditional imprisonment of more than one year results, on the day the judgment becomes final, in the termination of service,” and Article 185 (1/3) provides that “the same sentence results, on the day it becomes final, in the loss of rank; along with the rank, all rights tied to the rank are also lost.”

You can access the Serbian Army Act, published in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Serbia under No. 116/2007 and last amended by No. 109/2025 of 4 December 2025, here.

Aleksandar Šapić, mayor of Belgrade and a member of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) led by President Vučić, shared a photo of Mladić on his personal Instagram account with the caption “Rest in peace, general. May you have eternal glory and gratitude.”

In a statement on 28 August, President Vučić said, “We have received nothing from The Hague.”

Saying that “they had now seen that The Hague wanted Mladić to die behind bars,” Vučić added, “They did not allow the general to die in Serbia, where he wanted to die. That is uncivilised behaviour, without precedent or justification,” thereby also confirming the Serbian press reports that there had been an intention to bring Mladić to Serbia.

Vučić further stated that Serbian authorities would help arrange a dignified burial for Mladić in Serbia if his family requested it. However, he made no comment on the justice minister’s claim that Mladić would be buried “with the highest state honours.”

In addition, the President of Montenegro’s parliament, Andrija Mandić, posted on his official X account that he had conveyed his condolences to Mladić’s son.

Commemorated at football matches

At the match yesterday at 8:00 p.m. in which Serbia’s Red Star football club (FK Crvena Zvezda) lost 5-1 away to Czechia’s Viktoria Plzeň in the second leg of the UEFA Europa League play-off round, a banner reading “General, eternal glory and gratitude” in tribute to Mladić was unfurled by Red Star’s supporters’ group Delije and shared from the club’s official X account.

Željko Ražnatović, known as Arkan, the mafia and terrace leader who founded the Delije supporters’ group, was also one of the influential figures of the era of Yugoslavia’s breakup and the Bosnian War. Arkan, who also headed the Serb paramilitary force known as the Serb Volunteer Guards or “Arkan’s Tigers,” was indicted by the ICTY for crimes against humanity after the war. He was assassinated in January 2000.

Before the match yesterday at 9:30 p.m. in which Borac, the football club from Banja Luka, the capital of Republika Srpska (one of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s two entities), beat Iceland’s representative Vikingur 3-1 in the second leg of the UEFA Conference League play-off, applause rose from the stands when it was announced in the stadium that Mladić had died. A song praising Mladić was also sung, and a banner was unfurled reading “The earthly is a small kingdom; the heavenly is forever and ever. Eternal glory to the greatest defender of the Serbian people.*”

* The words on the banner draw on the defeat of the Serbian kingdom at the First Battle of Kosovo in 1389. According to legend, on the night before the battle, Serbian Prince Lazar was visited in a dream by an angel of God and asked to choose between an earthly kingdom and a heavenly one. Lazar, who chose the heavenly kingdom, lost the battle and died on the battlefield.

According to an 28 August report by The Athletic, the sports section of The New York Times, UEFA announced that it had opened disciplinary proceedings against Red Star on three separate counts. These counts include “racist and/or discriminatory behaviour”, “transmitting a message that is not fit for a sports event” and “improper conduct of the team.”

Following the match, the Srebrenica Memorial Center had contacted UEFA to state that the banners that were unfurled “cannot be reduced to the behaviour of fans.”

The statement of the Srebrenica Memorial Center includes the following:

“A club that consciously uses its official communication channels to spread messages glorifying a man legally convicted of genocide cannot reduce such behavior to the behavior of fans.

This is no longer just a question of the fans, but of the club’s institutional relationship to the values on which UEFA bases European football.”

UN Secretary-General: I stand in solidarity with the victims

UN Secretary-General António Guterres, in a statement through his spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric, said he stands in solidarity with the victims, survivors and their families who suffered the crimes for which Mr. Mladić was found guilty.

Stating that the facts conclusively established by the judicial findings form part of the historical record, Guterres reiterated his call on all those in positions of power to refrain from denying the seriousness of the crimes that have been adjudicated.

Guterres also said he strongly condemns any denial of the Srebrenica genocide as a historical event, and any actions that glorify those convicted of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide by international courts.

Dodik: This is a murder

Milorad Dodik, chairman of Republika Srpska’s Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), former president of Republika Srpska, one of the leading figures of Serb nationalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and currently banned from politics, said of Mladić’s death: “It is a murder. He was respected by the Serbian people. As a commander he stood to defend Serbs.”

Šešelj: Mladić fought against villains

The far-right convicted war criminal Vojislav Šešelj* said of Mladić: “Mladić fought against those villains for a long time; they expected his death two or three years ago, but he did not give up… They killed him.”

* Vojislav Šešelj is the founder of the far-right Serbian Radical Party (SRS). Indicted by the ICTY in January 2003 over war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina during the breakup of Yugoslavia, Šešelj went to The Hague and surrendered in February 2003 after a judge confirmed the charges. He remained in ICTY custody for 11 years and 9 months. In 2014 he was allowed to return to Serbia for cancer treatment. Later also a member of parliament, Šešelj was acquitted in 2016, but the acquittal was overturned on appeal in 2018. Šešelj, however, did not return to prison.

Russia: Mladić’s right to health was violated

Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs made a statement via Facebook, and the Russian Embassy in Belgrade via its X account, regarding Mladić’s death.

The Russian Foreign Ministry said: “The Russian side has consistently pointed out that Mladić’s trial in The Hague and the conditions of his imprisonment were accompanied by disregard for his basic rights, including the right to health and adequate medical care.” The Russian Embassy in Belgrade, for its part, offered “Its sincere condolences to Mladić’s family and loved ones on the passing of General Ratko Mladić.”

Who was Ratko Mladić?

Ratko Mladić was born in 1942 in the village of Božanovići in Bosnia and Herzegovina and rose to the rank of general in the Yugoslav People’s Army. With the outbreak of the Bosnian War, he became the commander-in-chief of the newly formed Bosnian Serb army (Vojska Republike Srpske-VRS). He was among the most senior military figures responsible for the army’s actions, including the nearly four-year siege of Sarajevo and the genocide at Srebrenica. After the war he spent years in hiding as a fugitive and was captured only in May 2011 in Serbia, then handed over to The Hague.

In 2017, Mladić was found guilty by the ICTY of the Srebrenica genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of the laws of war, and sentenced to life imprisonment. The sentence was upheld on appeal in 2021. While serving his sentence, Mladić died on 27 August 2026 in a hospital under UN custody in The Hague, following long-standing health problems.

The history of the ban and suppression of Kurdish in Syria

Kurdish, which was excluded from education, publishing, place names, and public life in Syria for decades, is entering the state’s official education system for the first time in the country’s modern history. Under a regulation announced by the interim Damascus administration on 28 August, Kurdish will be taught for three hours a week in public and private schools in areas with large Kurdish populations, while one additional hour will be allocated to social and cultural activities. The decision marks a new phase in the language repression that has accompanied denaturalisation, Arabisation, and prohibition policies since the 1960s.

Rojava, Foto: ANHA

Under a decision issued on 28 August 2026 by Muhammad Abd al-Rahman, the Education Minister of the interim Damascus administration, Kurdish was added to the curricula of public and private schools in Kurdish-populated areas as a national language.

Under the decision, an average of three class hours per week will be allocated to Kurdish lessons. One hour per week will also be set aside for Kurdish social and cultural activities.

The decision states that Kurdish will be regarded as one of the core subjects and that students’ grades in the subject will count toward their overall academic average.

The Syrian Ministry of Education also set out the qualifications required of teachers who will teach Kurdish.

Teachers must be university graduates or graduates of teacher-training institutes, with specialisation in Kurdish.

Where necessary, high-school graduates proficient in Kurdish will also be allowed to teach.

Prospective teachers will be required to take written and oral examinations to demonstrate their proficiency in Kurdish.

Kurdish, now incorporated into the education system for the first time in modern Syrian history, had previously been banned by various laws and administrative decisions. Apart from the limited relaxation during the French Mandate period, the ban persisted until the present day.

However, policies toward Kurdish in Syria were not limited to excluding a language from education or public life. Language policy was implemented alongside measures concerning citizenship, place names, personal names, cultural activities, publishing, education, and demographic engineering. Kurdish-language repression in Syria can therefore be seen as part of a broader state policy intended to reduce the public visibility of Kurdish identity and define the country around a single Arab national identity.

Kerim Yıldız’s 2005 study, The Kurds in Syria: The Forgotten People, notes that Syria’s Kurdish population was long estimated at between 1.5 and 2 million, concentrated especially around al-Hasakah, Afrin, Kobani, and Damascus. According to the book, rather than recognising Kurds as an indigenous ethnic or national community of Syria, the state often viewed them as migrants from Turkey or as a security threat. This approach formed the core ideological framework used to legitimise restrictions on the public and educational use of Kurdish.

1920–1946: The French Mandate period

After the First World War, Syria came under French mandate rule. In order to contain Arab nationalism, the French administration pursued a “divide and rule” policy that allowed different communities a degree of local autonomy and space for organisation.

During this period, Kurds, along with some other communities, enjoyed a relatively broader sphere of cultural activity. Kurdish intellectuals and political circles were able to form organisations, while Kurdish publishing and cultural activities became more visible. Hawar, the journal published by Celadet Ali Bedirxan between 1932 and 1943, played an important role in developing a Latin alphabet-based writing system for Kurmanji Kurdish. The journal is considered one of the most significant products of Kurdish cultural life in Syria.

Nevertheless, when France withdrew from Syria in 1946, it left behind no lasting constitutional or legal arrangements guaranteeing Kurdish cultural and linguistic rights. The relative freedom of the mandate era therefore did not evolve into a sustainable rights framework after independence.

1946–1958: The rise of Arab nationalism

After Syria gained independence in 1946, its political system increasingly took shape around Arab nationalism. While the state’s official identity was defined through the idea of “Arab Syria,” the distinct ethnic and linguistic identities of Kurds, Armenians, Syriacs, and other communities were relegated to a secondary position in public life.

Kurdish was not yet banned with the same intensity in every sphere. However, education, state institutions, and official communication were conducted in Arabic. There was no public policy for teaching Kurdish in schools, and Kurdish publishing came under increasingly tight control.

The formation of the United Arab Republic by Syria and Egypt in 1958 reinforced centralist and Arab nationalist policies. According to Kerim Yıldız, during Gamal Abdel Nasser’s rule, Kurds were associated with accusations of “treason” and “separatism”; Kurdish was banned, Kurdish publications were confiscated, and pressure on Kurdish music intensified.

Human-rights reports also indicate that the prohibition of Kurdish publications became clearly institutionalised from 1958 onward. According to these reports, the distribution and publication of Kurdish-language material were banned, and Kurdish was prevented from being used as a language of instruction in schools and universities.

1962: Denaturalisation

One of the most significant turning points in the Kurdish question in Syria was the special census conducted in al-Hasakah Province in 1962.

Decree No. 93 of 23 August 1962 ordered a special census in al-Hasakah. It was carried out in a single day, on 5 October 1962. The government said the purpose was to identify “foreign infiltrators” and regularise population records. However, according to Human Rights Watch, the process was conducted largely arbitrarily. Members of the same family were assigned different statuses, and many Kurds born in Syria were stripped of citizenship.

Kurds were divided into those who retained Syrian citizenship, those classified as ajanib—meaning “foreigners”—and maktumin, or “unregistered” people who were not entered into any official records.

Human Rights Watch reported that around 120,000 Kurds were deprived of citizenship as a result of the 1962 census, while later reports suggested that the figure was tens of thousands higher. A 1996 Human Rights Watch report stated that the government had stripped 142,465 people of citizenship or classified them as foreigners, while Kurdish sources cited higher figures.

Denaturalisation was not a direct language ban. Yet it severely affected the social conditions underpinning Kurdish language and identity. People deprived of citizenship faced difficulties accessing education and public services; lost opportunities to work in public institutions or hold state positions; could not obtain travel documents or passports; encountered problems with property ownership, marriage, and birth registration; and were unable to secure their children’s status.

For this reason, the policy also indirectly weakened the transmission of Kurdish from one generation to the next. Communities whose access to education, official records, and state institutions was restricted could no longer use their language at a public or institutional level.

1963–1970: The Ba’ath regime

When the Ba’ath Party came to power in 1963, the Arab nationalist conception of the state became more systematic. Syria’s political, educational, and administrative institutions were reorganised around Arab national identity.

A 1963 report by Muhammad Talab Hilal, then responsible for internal security in al-Hasakah, is regarded as one of the key documents revealing the state’s approach to the Kurdish population. It proposed removing Kurds from the region, denying them education, restricting their employment opportunities, relocating Arab settlers to the area, and preventing people who did not speak Arabic from voting or holding public office.

These proposals show that policies toward Kurdish were not viewed merely as a cultural matter. For the state, language was treated as a vehicle of Kurdish identity and therefore as a political threat. Speaking Kurdish or carrying out Kurdish cultural activities was frequently associated with allegations of “separatism” or of harming “national unity.”

Reports published in 1967 stated that references to Kurds had been removed from school geography textbooks. Kurdish presence in Syria’s history and geography was thus rendered invisible in the educational curriculum.

1970–1976: The Arab Belt Project

After Hafez al-Assad came to power in 1970, demographic and administrative policies directed at Kurdish regions continued.

From 1973 onward, the project known as the “Arab Belt” or “Arab Cord” was implemented along the borders with Turkey and Iraq in al-Hasakah Province. Human Rights Watch reported that the project extended along a strip approximately 10–15 kilometres wide and 375 kilometres long. Arab families were settled on Kurdish-inhabited land, some Kurdish land was confiscated, and new settlement centres were established.

A report submitted to United Nations human-rights mechanisms states that Kurdish-owned agricultural land in al-Hasakah was expropriated in 1973 and that the Ba’ath Party administration established 41 settlement centres.

The Arab Belt Project affected language in three ways: Kurdish place names were replaced with Arabic names; Kurds’ historical and geographical ties to their land were erased from official records; and efforts were made to reduce the concentration of Kurdish-speaking populations in border areas.

Although the Syrian government announced that the project had ended in 1976, the settlements that had been established were not dismantled, and a substantial number of displaced Kurds were unable to return to their land.

1977: Kurdish place names changed

From the mid-1970s onward, the Arabisation of Kurdish village and town names accelerated.

Instruction No. 15801 of May 1977 ordered the replacement of numerous Kurdish place names in the Afrin region with Arabic ones. During this period, Kobani became Ayn al-Arab.

Place names are not merely administrative labels. They carry communities’ historical memory, relationship with geography, and collective identity. Changing them thus meant not only removing Kurdish from public life but also officially erasing the historical connection between Kurdish communities and the regions where they lived.

The 1980s: Restrictions on public use

During the 1980s, bans on Kurdish began to be enforced through more explicit administrative decisions.

According to information submitted in United Nations documents, the al-Hasakah Governorate banned the use of Kurdish in workplaces through Decision No. 1012/S/25 of 11 November 1986. Another decision, No. 1865/S/25, issued on 13 March 1989, reaffirmed the prohibition on speaking Kurdish and also banned songs in languages other than Arabic at weddings and holiday celebrations.

According to Kerim Yıldız, the 1986 decision also prevented the use of Kurdish in workplaces, cinemas, and cafés. Kurdish was thus suppressed not only in educational institutions but also in a range of public spaces in everyday life.

A secret decree reportedly issued in 1982 again banned the use of Kurdish as a language of instruction in schools and universities, as well as its use and teaching in official institutions. The implementation of this decision made the institutional transmission of Kurdish almost impossible.

As a result, Kurdish children could not receive education in their mother tongue. Kurdish literacy instruction remained outside formal educational institutions, and some families were forced to organise classes at home or in secret to teach their children Kurdish.

The 1990s: Bans on names and publishing

During the 1990s, bans on Kurdish expanded to personal names, business names, and publishing.

From 1992 onward, it became more difficult to give children Kurdish names in al-Hasakah. According to Kurdish sources, instructions from the Ministry of Interior required approval from security authorities for non-Arabic names. This practice particularly targeted Kurdish names.

Intervening in a child’s name showed that language policy had extended into family and private life. The state also controlled how a child’s identity would be expressed in official records.

In 1994, al-Hasakah Governor Subhi Harb ordered businesses bearing Kurdish names to change their names into Arabic within one week. Local authorities were instructed not to issue licences to Kurdish-named shops, hotels, and restaurants. Existing businesses could be closed or their owners subjected to legal action. Human Rights Watch reported seeing Arabic, Armenian, and Russian signs in Syria in 1995, but no Kurdish signs.

The printing, distribution, and import of Kurdish books and magazines were largely prevented. Publishers and printing houses risked punishment under broad and vague pretexts such as “national security,” “national unity,” or “public order.”

Those who wanted to publish in Kurdish sometimes had to print their work in neighbouring countries such as Lebanon and smuggle it into Syria. The 2002 arrest of Ibrahim Nasan for distributing Kurdish cultural and educational materials is one example showing that this policy continued into the 2000s.

2000–2010: Continued restrictions

Although Bashar al-Assad’s rise to power created expectations of reform in some circles, the state’s basic policy toward Kurdish did not change.

Kurdish was not recognised as an official language. Kurds were not allowed to open private language schools or institutions providing education in Kurdish. While Armenian, Syriac, and Circassian communities were able to establish linguistic and cultural institutions to a limited extent, no comparable space was opened for Kurds.

Kurdish-speaking teachers were prevented from using Kurdish at school. Pressure on Kurdish publications continued. Kurdish music, cultural gatherings, and Newroz celebrations were subject to security monitoring.

The events that began in Qamishli in 2004 again demonstrated that the Kurdish question was handled through the state’s security-centred approach. Kurdish activists, journalists, and people involved in cultural activities were detained after the events. Kurdish publishing, cultural expression, and political organising were often treated together as suspected “separatist activity.”

Reports submitted to the United Nations stated that the Syrian government used investigations, detention, restrictions on movement, and criminal charges to prevent Kurds from speaking their mother tongue. The same report noted that Kurdish use was not officially recognised and that the administrative decisions of 1986 and 1989 remained in force.

The situation after 2011

The outbreak of war in Syria in 2011 brought a de facto change in the status of Kurdish. As the Syrian government’s control over the north and northeast weakened, Kurdish political and military structures took control of certain areas.

From 2012 onward, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria began using Kurdish in education and public life. Kurdish was included in the education system alongside Arabic and Syriac. In some regions, children received instruction in their mother tongue in the early years, with other languages added to the curriculum in later grades.

This development represented a significant break from the Arabic-centred education policy maintained by Syria’s central government for decades. However, diplomas and educational documents issued under this system were not fully recognised in the rest of Syria or internationally. This created difficulties for Kurdish-educated students seeking admission to university and official recognition of their qualifications.

Meanwhile, after Afrin came under the control of Turkey-backed forces in 2018, Kurdish education and public use faced a new source of pressure. Reports stated that the region’s curriculum was reorganised around Turkish and Arabic and that Kurdish’s place in education was weakened. Thus, in the post-war period, pressure on Kurdish ceased to be concentrated in one centre; policies of different actors in different regions became decisive.

2026: Kurdish becomes a national language

The year 2026 marked a significant change in the legal status of Kurdish in Syria.

According to a SANA report of 26 August 2026, Decree No. 13, issued by Ahmed al-Sharaa, head of the interim Damascus administration, on 16 January 2026, defined Kurds as an integral and inseparable part of the Syrian people and recognised Kurdish as a “national language.” The decree permitted Kurdish to be taught in public and private schools in areas with substantial Kurdish populations.

Under the Ministry of Education’s decision of 28 August, Kurdish will be taught in schools beginning in the 2026–2027 academic year.

It was not a policy about language alone

This historical trajectory shows that language policy in Syria cannot be considered in isolation. The banning or suppression of Kurdish was implemented alongside denaturalisation, forced displacement, land confiscation, the changing of place names, the rejection of Kurdish names, and the control of publishing.

In other words, the state regarded Kurdish not simply as a “foreign language,” but as an element carrying Kurds’ collective identity and political demands. For this reason, speaking, writing, teaching, or making Kurdish visible in public was often transformed from a cultural activity into a matter of security.

A long process of prohibition

The history of Kurdish in Syria is as much a history of prohibitions and repression as it is a history of preserving the language within families, in clandestine lessons, at cultural gatherings, and in the diaspora. The limited cultural freedom of the French Mandate period was curtailed by Arab nationalist state policies after independence. The 1962 census weakened the social and institutional transmission of the language by stripping a significant section of the Kurdish population of citizenship. The Arab Belt Project of the 1970s deepened this policy through changing place names and demographic interventions. From the 1980s through the 2000s, restrictions continued on the use of Kurdish in education, workplaces, publishing, and personal and business names.

After 2011, a new period began for Kurdish education and administrative use in northeast Syria. Yet this development did not become a common legal framework across the country. The recognition of Kurdish as a national language in 2026 and its introduction as a school subject are viewed as a significant break with the former policy of denial. Whether this will develop into a lasting rights framework will depend on whether use of Kurdish in universities and public institutions is guaranteed, and on how the legacy of denaturalisation is addressed.

Niha+ Research File · Syria

From Prohibition to the Curriculum: Kurdish Returns to Public Life in Syria

The interim Damascus administration’s decision of 28 August 2026 adds Kurdish to the curricula of public and private schools in Kurdish-populated areas as a national language. The move is seen as the beginning of a new era for a language excluded from education, publishing, and public life for decades.

Decision date 28 August 2026
Scope Public and private schools in Kurdish-populated areas
Historical background Language, identity, and citizenship policies from the 1920s to the present

01 / What is at the centre of the decision?

The new regulation does not treat Kurdish merely as an elective or symbolic activity. Kurdish grades will count toward students’ overall academic average, and the language is defined as one of the core subjects. Teacher selection will also require Kurdish specialisation and written and oral proficiency examinations.

28 August 2026 · Ministry of Education Decision

For the first time in modern Syrian history, Kurdish is becoming part of the official education system.

Apart from the limited cultural freedom of the French Mandate period, Kurdish was largely excluded from education and public life under post-independence state policies.

3 hours Weekly Kurdish classes An average of three class hours per week will be allocated to Kurdish lessons.
1 hour Cultural activity One additional class hour per week will be allocated to Kurdish social and cultural activities.
Graded Included in overall average The Kurdish course grade will be added to students’ overall academic average.
Tested Teacher qualification Prospective teachers will take written and oral tests to demonstrate Kurdish proficiency.

Teaching requirement / Specialisation

Teachers of Kurdish must be university graduates or graduates of teacher-training institutes, with specialisation in Kurdish.

Where necessary / Temporary solution

When qualified teachers are unavailable, high-school graduates proficient in Kurdish may also be permitted to teach.

02 / Before the decision: Four historical thresholds

Rather than a conventional timeline, this section focuses on four periods that shaped Kurdish’s public status: limited cultural space, state-led exclusion, the spread of bans into daily life, and the de facto education system that emerged after the war began.

1920–1946

Limited cultural space under the Mandate

During the French Mandate, Kurdish intellectuals had a relatively broader space for organisation and publishing. Celadet Ali Bedirxan’s Hawar journal, published from 1932 to 1943, helped develop a Latin alphabet-based writing system for Kurmanji.

1946–1977

Arab nationalism and exclusion

After independence, the state’s official identity was built around Arabness. The 1962 al-Hasakah census stripped thousands of Kurds of citizenship; from 1973, the Arab Belt Project was implemented and Kurdish place names were Arabised.

1980–2011

Bans spread into everyday life

Kurdish use was restricted in schools, workplaces, publishing, and cultural events. Kurdish names, signs, books, and music faced administrative oversight, bans, and the risk of criminal penalties.

2011–2026

From de facto education to official status

After 2011, Kurdish entered the education system in northeast Syria alongside Arabic and Syriac. The model was not recognised nationally, but the 2026 decision makes Kurdish part of the central education system for the first time.

03 / It was more than a ban on a language

Language policy was part of a broader system designed to limit the public visibility of Kurdish identity.

Repression of Kurdish in Syria was not only about the language used in textbooks or government offices. Denaturalisation, displacement, changes to place names, rejection of personal names, control of publishing, and restrictions on cultural activities were interconnected policies. In this framework, speaking, writing, or teaching Kurdish was often treated not as a cultural right but as an issue of security and “separatism.”

E

Barrier to mother-tongue education

Kurdish was not a language of instruction in state schools for decades, and private Kurdish educational institutions could not be opened.

C

Loss of citizenship

The 1962 census produced statelessness that limited tens of thousands of Kurds’ access to education and public services.

P

Spatial memory

Changing Kurdish village and town names erased the language’s traces in geography from official records.

P

Pressure on publishing and culture

Books, magazines, music, and cultural activities were restricted through censorship, confiscation, and the threat of investigation.

Conclusion

The 2026 decision is a historic threshold, but it does not mean that language equality has been achieved.

Bringing Kurdish into the education system is a clear break with the former policy of open prohibition and denial. Yet the decision does not grant Kurdish official-language status equal to Arabic, and it limits implementation to Kurdish-populated areas. Its durability will depend on teacher and curriculum capacity, the possibility of using Kurdish in universities and public institutions, and how the consequences of past citizenship exclusion are addressed.

Sources

  • Kerim Yıldız, The Kurds in Syria: The Forgotten People
  • Human Rights Watch, Syria: The Silenced Kurds
  • Kurdish Initiative for Syria, Persecution and Discrimination against Kurdish Citizens in Syria
  • Syrians for Truth and Justice, How the 1962 Census Destroyed Stateless Kurds’ Lives and Identities
  • Syrians for Truth and Justice, Curricula in Afrin: Between “Turkification” and Restrictions on the Kurdish Language
  • North Press Agency, Multi-language Curriculum in Northeast Syria Lacks Official Recognition
  • Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA)
  • Kurdistan24
SDF Dissolved

Ilham Ahmed: New mission in Damascus

In a press conference in Damascus after meeting with Syria’s interim President Shara, DSG General Commander Mazlum Abdi announced the end of the DSG’s mission as a military force and the completion of the integration process into the brigades within the Syrian army.

Mazlum Abdi, Ilham Ahmed and a delegation visited Ahmed al-Shara in Damascus.

Ilham Ahmed, Co-Chairman of the Department of Foreign Relations for Northern and Eastern Syria, and Mazlum Abdi, General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), met in Damascus with Syrian Foreign Minister Assad Shaybani and subsequently with interim President Ahmed al-Shara. The meeting with Shara was attended by Syrian Deputy Defense Minister Sîpan Hemo, YPJ General Command Member Newroz Ehmed, as well as Foreign Minister Assad Shaybani and Syrian Presidential Special Representative responsible for the implementation of the January 29 agreement Ziyad al-Ayish.

After the parleys, Abdi held a press conference at the People’s Palace in Damascus and announced the end of the SDF’s mission as a military force. Stating that an important page in Syria’s history has closed, Abdi announced that the process of integration into the brigades within the Syrian army has been completed. Stating that the new era should be shaped on the basis of “peace, stability and the reconstruction of the country”, Abdi said, “Following the agreement reached with President Ahmed al-Shara and the completion of the integration process of our forces into the brigades within the Syrian army, today we declare with a sense of responsibility that we are ending the mission of the Syrian Democratic Forces and dissolving it as an independent military force.”

Stating that the SDF has assumed great responsibility in one of the most difficult periods in Syria since its establishment, Abdi said that QSD fighters liberated many cities and regions first from the Baath regime and then from ISIS. “We will not forget the sacrifices of the martyrs. They fought not to fight, but for a day when Syrians will no longer have to fight.” Abdi emphasized that the new era should be the beginning of the transition from the battlefields to the reconstruction sites and from the era of weapons to the era of peace.

Reminding that the Kurdish people have been struggling for the right to education in their mother tongue for decades, Abdi said that President of the transitional government Ahmed al-Shara has made several statements to protect this right. “This year we will work to implement this decision and in the near future we will be able to build on it,” Abdi said, adding that they demanded the Damascus administration to take a clear stance on the right to education in the mother tongue and to develop the existing decision in the future.

What kind of Syria?

Stating that Syria must be a country for Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Assyrians, Turkmens and all other peoples and components, Abdi said: “The Syria we want to build is a Syria for all its peoples and components. A united and secure Syria must protect the rights and dignity of all citizens and offer a better future for new generations.” Abdi ended his speech by commemorating those who lost their lives within the SDF.

Barrack: There should be education in Kurdish

US Ambassador to Turkey and Special Envoy for Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack, in a statement on his X account regarding the dissolution announcement of the SDF, described the dissolution decision as a historic development and said, “By paving the way for the orderly integration of the SDF into Syrian state institutions, it has transformed a past division into a lasting partnership and restored the opportunity for the Syrian people to shape their shared future” Tom Barrack,

“Recognizing the Kurdish language in education and giving our valued partners Mazlum Abdi and Ilham Ahmed important roles in the Syrian government is a sign of respect for their leadership, the sacrifices of our Kurdish partners and their constructive contribution to regional stability. Thus, yesterday’s divisions are transformed into tomorrow’s common purpose,” he said.

Shara met with Ahmed from YPJ

Speaking to The Amargi after Barrack’s announcement that Abdi and Ahmed had been given important positions, Ilham Ahmed told The Amargi that she and Abdi had been appointed to “new positions within the Syrian state”. However, the Syrian interim government has not yet made an official statement on the issue.

On the other hand, YPJ Command member Newroz Ehmed met with Syrian Interim President Ahmed al-Shara.

Newroz Ehmed, a member of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) Command, and Syrian Interim President Ahmed al-Shara met in the Syrian capital Damascus. During the meeting, it was stated that the files related to the YPJ within the scope of the January 29 Agreement and the next step to be taken in the implementation of the agreement were discussed.

Seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım suffers heart attack

The release of seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım has been postponed for the third time by the Prison Administration and Observation Board. Following the board hearing, Yıldırım suffered a heart attack, underwent an angiogram, and had two stents fitted in his heart.


Held at İzmir Kırıklar No. 1 F-Type Closed Prison, Mehmet Sait Yıldırım (75), a seriously ill prisoner who has spent 33 years behind bars, has had his release blocked for a third time by the Prison Administration and Observation Board.

According to his lawyers, Yıldırım suffered a heart attack on August 24 after appearing before the Prison Administration and Observation Board. He was taken to hospital and yesterday (August 25) underwent an angiogram, during which two stents were placed in his heart.

According to bianet’s report, Yıldırım’s lawyers, Aryen Turan and Ali İhsan Güven, met with him for five minutes at around 4:40 p.m. today in the Coronary Intensive Care Unit on the 6th floor of İzmir City Hospital.

According to information conveyed to bianet by lawyer Ali İhsan Güven, Yıldırım appeared before the Administration and Observation Board at around 10:00 a.m. on August 24. Güven said the hearing was tense, adding that Yıldırım was once again pressured to “show remorse,” as in previous board hearings, and that an argument ensued.

Güven said that after Yıldırım returned to his cell he suffered a heart attack, and that he was transferred to hospital after his cellmate, Rohat Caruş, alerted prison staff.

According to Güven, Yıldırım was first taken to a hospital in Buca but, because it had no ward for prisoners, he was transferred to İzmir City Hospital. At around 11:00 a.m. yesterday he underwent an angiogram and had two stents fitted in his heart. According to bianet’s report, one of the main arteries leading to his heart was blocked, and Yıldırım narrowly survived a serious, life-threatening condition. Lawyer Güven said his health was now stable and that they had been told he could be discharged today.

According to his lawyers, Yıldırım’s release has been postponed for another three months.

Yıldırım: “Be honest and hang me”

Güven also told bianet that during the board hearing, Yıldırım had said the following:

The State Security Court sentenced me to death. It was commuted to life imprisonment. Now you, as the board, want to carry out the death sentence handed down by the State Security Court. Be honest, build a gallows here in the morning and hang me.

His release had already been postponed twice

Mehmet Sait Yıldırım was detained in 1993 on charges of PKK membership and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1995. Suffering from cardiovascular disease, COPD, hypertension, and other chronic conditions, he is classified among the seriously ill prisoners, and despite his grave health problems he has remained in prison for 33 years.

During the 2013–2015 peace process, Yıldırım was part of a five-member group of prisoners formed at the request of Abdullah Öcalan and publicly known as the “İmralı secretariat.” Owing to his health problems, he stayed on İmralı Island for only nine days before being transferred to another prison. He later recounted his experiences in a book titled Nine Days on İmralı. He spent a significant part of his imprisonment in a single-person cell, held in isolation.

Although Mehmet Sait Yıldırım’s prison term ended on February 27, 2025, he was not released, with the Prison Administration and Observation Board citing that he was not of “good conduct” and “showed no remorse.” Reconvening on November 25, the board once again blocked his release. It set a date nine months later (August 25, 2026) for the next assessment.

After his release was postponed for a second time in November, Yıldırım gave the following statement to bianet through his lawyer Demirer:

“My death sentence, which I received in 1996, was commuted to life imprisonment. After 30 years, I should have been released by now, but they won’t let me go. My release is being postponed for a second time on the pretext that I am not of good conduct. I said it when I appeared before the board too, in effect, you want to carry out the death sentence. If you are so determined to apply the death penalty, be honest: take me out to the yard and hang me on the gallows. Let me know I was sentenced to death, and you, too, say it openly, ‘we executed him.’”

Ayşegül Doğan’s parliamentary question

DEM Party Şırnak MP and Party Spokesperson Ayşegül Doğan submitted a written parliamentary question to the Speaker’s Office on July 28, to be answered by Justice Minister Akın Gürlek, concerning prisoner Yıldırım, whose health has been steadily deteriorating.

In her applications and in the question submitted to Parliament, Doğan noted that Yıldırım, who has not been released even though his conditional release period expired months ago, suffers from numerous chronic illnesses including heart disease, COPD, hypertension, and lung ailments, and that a blood clot had formed in his right eye in early July. The question stated that Yıldırım had been subjected to a demand for examination while handcuffed during his transfer, that his treatment had been delayed, and that his vision problems were ongoing.

Doğan also applied to the Parliamentary Human Rights Inquiry Commission, requesting answers on whether Yıldırım’s release would be reassessed, whether an investigation had been launched into the alleged handcuffed examination during his hospital transfer, and the number of ill prisoners whose release has been postponed on “good conduct” grounds. She further called for an on-site review of Yıldırım’s health conditions, a determination of whether it is medically appropriate for him to remain in prison, and the assurance of uninterrupted access to health services.


Kurds are being abducted in Raqqa, tortured and forced to flee

Unidentified individuals in Raqqa are abducting Kurds and demanding money from their families. These individuals take those they abduct to unknown locations and subject them to severe torture. As a result, tens of thousands of Kurdish families have been forced to flee Raqqa.

A view from Raqqa during the period it was under SDF control, Photo: Hawarnews

Some time ago, at around 11:00 a.m., Elî Mihemed was abducted in front of his home in Raqqa. When Mihemed stepped outside, he saw several people waiting for him in a black car with no license plate. These men were armed and resembled those who have recently been abducting Kurds in Raqqa. They ordered Mihemed to come with them. Making him leave behind his belongings and his phone, they put him in the car and took him away.

Mihemed is just one of nearly 10 people abducted in Raqqa over the past month and a half.

According to eyewitnesses and sources in Raqqa familiar with the matter, the group in question has for some time been operating at around 11:00 a.m., using the same method by which they abducted Mihemed. They subject those they abduct to severe torture, photograph them, send the photos to their families, and demand money from them.

According to the information available, all of those abducted are Kurds.

According to information given to Niha+ by two witnesses to the events in Raqqa, many Kurdish families have left the city since the abductions began. According to the sources, they allege that the aim of this is to cleanse Raqqa of Kurds.

Citing security concerns, these sources did not want their names disclosed. For the same reason, we have also changed the names of those who were abducted.

70 percent of the Kurdish neighborhood has fled

Raqqa lies in northern Syria on the banks of the Euphrates River. A strategic city, Raqqa is located 160 km east of Aleppo. It has been home to many civilizations.

Between 2014 and 2017 the city was under the control of ISIS, which described it as its “capital.” In 2017 the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), with the support of U.S. forces, liberated it from ISIS. Thousands of ISIS members surrendered. Those who surrendered were placed in camps.

Raqqa city map

Raqqa remained under SDF control until January 2026, but at the end of 2025 and the beginning of 2026, following attacks on the Kurdish neighborhoods of Aleppo and on Rojava, it was handed over to the interim Damascus administration.

According to the census conducted between 2011 and 2021, close to 60,000 Kurds lived in Raqqa. However, in the process that began after the Syrian war, many Kurds were forced to migrate from there. When the SDF took control of Raqqa, some of them returned. With the clashes at the start of 2026, it is reported that all the residents of the city’s Kurdish neighborhood fled. Afterward, some returned to the homes they had abandoned.

With the recent abductions, 70 percent of the Kurds in that same neighborhood have been forced to flee. In the past, Raqqa as a whole was estimated to have a Kurdish population of 40 percent and an Arab population of 60 percent. At present, however, the proportion of Kurds remaining in the city is reported to be between 5 and 10 percent.

“They say the Kurds are guests here”

After being abducted, Mahmûd Derwîş was released once he paid the money demanded of him. He, too, left Raqqa after his release, like the others. His abductors had threatened him, saying either you leave the city, or we kill you.

Some of those abducted are threatened with the abduction of their family members.

A significant portion of those who flee are forced to sell their goods and property at far below their value. Derwîş, too, had to sell his house, worth 60,000 dollars, for 40,000 dollars.

One of the sources who did not want to be named said that people are selling their shops, their harvests, and their cars and leaving Raqqa: “People think, ‘Let me lose my property rather than my life.’”

According to another source, the thinking of those carrying this out is that “the Kurds are guests here” and that they should therefore migrate away.

Recalling the “Arab Belt” project of the Baath regime era, under which Arabs were settled in Kurdish areas, the same source noted that what is being done now is similar to it. He said the aim behind it is to bring about a demographic change in the areas where Kurds live.

According to information provided by this source, in the past week to ten days three more people in Raqqa have been contacted and asked to leave the city.

What is the interim government doing?

One source says that only a single group is carrying this out, while another says there are two or three separate groups.

According to the allegations, these individuals identify themselves as members of the security forces (asayish), and for this reason they claim that no one can interfere with them.

These individuals call people from hidden numbers or from foreign country numbers.

When they abduct someone, they demand close to 250,000 dollars. However, some are only able to escape their hands for 20,000 or 30,000 dollars.

The money in question is sent through a digital currency system called Sham Cash. This is a system that the interim Damascus administration has accepted for paying the salaries of its civil servants.

As thousands of public-sector workers in Syria tried to collect their salaries this April, ahead of the Eid al-Fitr holiday, many found that they could not access a faulty application they had been asked to download a few months earlier.

The application, called Sham Cash, has become the Syrian government’s preferred method for distributing salaries, paying bills, and transferring money. But users say the app does not work, and experts say it is far from secure.


Made mandatory for public-sector workers, the Sham Cash app raises urgent concerns about digital security.

In January, Syrian public-sector workers were quietly instructed to download an app called “Sham Cash” in order to receive their salaries.

The Sham Cash app can only be downloaded from its own website and is not available in the iOS store (App Store). This means the app is not secure, because it has not passed the strict security-verification tests that apps listed in official stores must undergo.

Reports that appeared in the press in January also indicate that the app is linked to transfers coming from the “Cham Bank” in Idlib — an internationally unrecognized currency exchange registered in Turkey. Funds transferred through Sham Cash do not pass through the Central Bank of Syria or the global banking system.

By April, the app had been made entirely mandatory. But it is overshadowed by technical failures, questionable financial links, and an alarming lack of transparency. As frustration grew among users, SMEX’s Digital Forensics Unit investigated what was actually happening behind the scenes.

The unknown developer behind Sham Cash

The absence of any publicly available information about the company behind Sham Cash raises serious concerns about transparency and accountability. Because there is no known or officially registered developer, there is no party to be held responsible in cases of data breaches, fraud, or financial loss.

The app also contains no clearly stated Terms of Use, Privacy Policy, or any indication of legal jurisdiction, which makes seeking legal recourse nearly impossible.

Because Sham Cash has no connection to any legal or verifiable company, its security protocols cannot be assessed. This significantly increases the risk that malware or spyware could compromise users’ devices.

Since it has no officially registered owner, the misuse or sale of sensitive user data, including personal information, financial details, and transaction histories, cannot be tracked or audited.

A source who provided information to Niha+ noted that this app is one accepted by the interim Damascus administration, so when money is sent through it, the government ought to be able to trace it.

A committee has been formed

According to the information available, a three-member committee has been formed to deal with the matter and find solutions to the problems facing Kurds in Raqqa. According to information provided by this committee, 4,000 families have so far fled Raqqa. Some of them went to Kobanê, and others to Hasakah.

One source claims that the number of those abducted and threatened is far higher. According to this source, some do not share their cases publicly because they do not want their names made known.

Xanzad: The forgotten first all-female Kurdish rock band

Founded in Erbil in 1980, Xanzad was the first known all-female rock band in Kurdistan and Iraq. Formed under the leadership of Kurdish musician Wirya Ahmed, the group left its mark on both the music world and society with songs like “Mina My Life Mina,” “Khan Amiry,” and “Hop Zindan.”

Photo: thejiyanarchives.com

Founded in Erbil in 1980, Xanzad went down in history as the first known all-female rock band in Kurdistan and Iraq. Formed under the leadership of Kurdish musician Wirya Ahmed, who began by training young women, the group was at the time the only all-female music ensemble performing in Kurdistan.

With members including lead vocalist Viyan Fiaq and flutist Naska Ezadin, Xanzad made both a musical and social impact with songs like “Mina My Life Mina,” “Khan Amiry,” and “Hop Zindan.” The group recorded for Kirkuk Television and performed at festivals across Iraq.

At a time when artistic activity was restricted under the pressure of the Iran–Iraq War and the Ba’ath regime, Xanzad’s presence in public life was seen as remarkable. The band disbanded not long after: some members went abroad, while others gave up music altogether. Today, very few recordings or images of Xanzad survive.

Kurdish seasonal workers attacked in Zonguldak and Düzce

Footage has emerged of an attack on over 70 Kurdish seasonal workers who traveled from Şırnak to Zonguldak. DEM Party MP Newroz Uysal released a statement following the social media footage, confirming that judicial proceedings have been initiated. Shortly after, a similar attack on Kurdish seasonal workers was reported in Düzce.

More than 70 Kurdish workers from the Cizre and Silopi districts of Şırnak, who went to work as seasonal hazelnut harvesters in the Bektaşlı village of Alaplı, Zonguldak, have been under attack for two days. Footage of the assault was widely shared on social media.

DEM Party Şırnak MP Newroz Uysal Aslan issued a statement in response to the footage and growing public concern. She stated that she received information about the attack yesterday evening. After the workers made contact with the party this morning (August 23), she held talks with the Zonguldak Governorship and the Alaplı District Governorship.

They were attacked twice

Aslan shared that during her conversation with the workers, she was informed that gendarmerie forces had intervened to ensure their safety. However, she noted that the workers were attacked once again in the evening while returning from the fields.

In her statement, Aslan pointed out that despite the presence of gendarmerie forces at the scene in the public video clips, they failed to prevent the attack. She stressed that the physical safety of the workers and their families must be secured immediately and effectively.

Judicial process initiated

According to the statement, an investigation into the attack has been launched by the Alaplı Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office.

Noting that seasonal agricultural workers travel hundreds of kilometers to Zonguldak to earn a living, Aslan stated, “Ensuring the physical safety of our people is the responsibility of public authorities.” She affirmed that they would closely monitor the process to ensure the security of the workers and their families, a thorough investigation into all aspects of the attack, and the prevention of similar incidents in the future.

*Footage surfaced on social media

Another attack reported in Düzce

Following the racist attack targeting Kurdish seasonal workers in Zonguldak, a similar incident occurred in Düzce. Kurdish workers who traveled from Mardin to the Cumayeri and Gümüşova districts of Düzce told the Mezopotamya Agency (MA) that they were targeted at their residence.

Speaking to MA, the workers expressed deep anxiety over the assault and mentioned that they were considering leaving the area.

*Images of the attack in Düzce, Photo: MA

The workers explained that the attack occurred in the evening while they were sitting in the yard of their house, reporting that a group approached their home and pulled knives on them.

Mourning on the solution’s eve

The possibility of social peace has been discussed for two years, and various steps have been taken. However, the mourning at Koşuyolu Park reminds us that the past is not completely behind us.

Photo: Yekta Armanc Hatipoğlu / niha+

The city is quite still for a Friday. Yet, upon entering Koşuyolu Park, it is as if the entire movement of the city has flowed here. Hundreds of people, families of guerrillas, their friends, comrades…

Small groups of people are in different areas of the park. Some are talking to each other, some are showing others something on their phone, and others sit quietly for a long time. Despite the mobility in the area, there are no loud conversations.

The news of guerrillas who had earlier lost their lives was received these days. They are being mourned these days, when the possibility of social peace is being discussed.

Mass condolence gatherings were held in İstanbul, Van, Diyarbakır, Mardin, and many other places. Among them was Koşuyolu Park in Diyarbakır’s Bağlar district. Condolence ceremonies for 49 PKK members were held there.

Diyarbakır, in the last two years since peace was discussed, is more hopeful than in previous periods. However, there is also doubt. The insecurity created in past years, the state’s delayed steps, and the fact that politicians, especially Selahattin Demirtaş, are still being held in prison add doubt to the hope.

Almost two years have passed since the President of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), Devlet Bahçeli, shook hands with Tuncer Bakırhan, the Co-President of the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Parti), in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) on October 1, 2024.

Most recently, on August 10th, the “Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration,” publicly known as the “Framework Law,” was accepted by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and published in the Official Gazette on August 18th.

Those who come to the condolence tents visit the families, then move on to other parts of the park. Food is distributed from hand to hand. Those present take on a part of the necessary tasks.

Almost everyone has the same dignified expression on their faces. While condolences are offered to the families, alongside the sorrow, gratitude for the struggle their children endured is also palpable.

Families sit at a table, with photos of their children in front of them and a rose in front of each photo, accepting condolences amid chants of “Şehîd Namirin.” In a covered area featuring banners reading “Em şehîdên azadiyê bi bîr tînin,” signed by MEBYA-DER, and “Our martyrs are our honor,” in a covered area.

The photographs standing side by side depict different faces and different life stories, yet they are all united by the same struggle.

The police are there, too. Armored vehicles marked “TEM,” water cannons, police buses… Unlike what we’ve been used to in previous years, they’re waiting a little “further back.” Despite this, there’s a stark contrast between the armored vehicles and the condolence gathering inside the park. On one side, the state’s law enforcement apparatus; on the other, tables where families who have lost their children are sitting.

The possibility of social peace has been discussed for two years, and various steps have been taken. However, the mourning at Koşuyolu Park serves as a reminder that the past has not been fully left behind.

Photos: Yekta Armanc Hatipoğlu / Niha+

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