In Herat Province of Afghanistan, protests have occured over the ongoing arrests and beating of women until they fainted, for not wearing “proper hijab, Chadari or burqa”, by Taliban Morality Police.Taliban members shot some of the protesters in Herat.
Women wearing Burqa in Afghanistan.
In Afghanistan, some residents from the Jibrail area of Herat Province held a protest rally this morning to protest the detention of women by the Taliban. Sources reported that residents chanting “Education, Work, Freedom” were met with gunfire from Taliban forces.
Afghanistan Women’s News Agency (AWNA) shared that the protest rally was suppressed by Taliban forces, who opened fire on the demonstrators.
The protests have raised over the ongoing arrests and harsh treatment of women by the Taliban’s Morality Police. This treatment of Taliban began on Saturday in various parts of Herat to forcefully make women to wear Chadari or burqa and warning that those who do not wear will be imprisoned.
The Taliban’s supreme leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, formally endorsed a sweeping 119-article criminal regulation framework. Crucially, this regulation decentralized enforcement, effectively legalizing vigilante violence by stating that any citizen who witnesses a perceived “sin” (including improper dress) has a duty to stop it on the spot.
Photo: 8AM Media
According to 8AM Media, Taliban members have been detaining and beating women until they fainted, for wearing manteau coats. Women in Herat are saying that after these events of Taliban members beating women on the streets, the presence of women in public has dropped sharply, since women are afraid of going out even for the groceries.
ترس از بازداشت؛ حضور کمرنگ زنان در بازارهای هرات
همزمان با افزایش نگرانیها از بازداشت زنان بهدلیل رعایتنکردن حجاب مورد نظر طالبان، حضور زنان در جادهی لیلامی هرات در روزهای اخیر بهگونهی چشمگیری کاهش یافته است.
— Afghanistan Women News Agency (@AWNANEWS) June 9, 2026
Taliban shot protesters
Today (June 9th) local sources told 8AM Media reporters that Taliban members fired shots to disperse and suppress the protesters. They also reported that they can continuously hear the sound of ambulances and Taliban ranger vehicles throughout the area. The exact number of casualties remains unclear. In a video on social media, residents carrying wounded individuals away as gunfire is ongoing.
Herat Protests Continue Amid Reports of Taliban Gunfire
Sources in Herat told Aamaj News that several protesters were wounded after Taliban forces resorted to ‘live fire’ to break up the demonstrations.
At least four sources told the Afghanistan Women’s News Agency today, Taliban forces checked women’s attire and hijabs at the entrances to these halls before allowing people to enter in several places of Herat.
“’Improper Hijab’ is neither consistent with Islamic values”
Zarifa Ghafari Bashir who is a former female mayor of Maidan Shahr of Afghanistan, told on her X account:
“The Taliban violently cracked down on a peaceful demonstration of residents in Herat’s Jibril area who were protesting the detention of women and girls since last few days in Herat. Videos circulating online show Taliban forces firing shots to disperse the crowd and physically assaulting several protesters. This latest incident reflects the regime’s continued use of violence to silence dissent and suppress those who stand in solidarity with Afghan women.”
Nasir Ahmad Faiq, Afghanistan’s representative at the United Nations, told on his X account that the detention of women by the Taliban’s morality police carried under the pretext of “improper Hijab” is neither consistent with Islamic principles and values nor with the culture and traditions of the Afghan people. “How do Taliban enforcers consider themselves entitled to forcibly detain and transport women in public when they are not even their mahram (stranger/legal guardian)?” he asked, and continued “This comes amid credible and well-documented reports of violence, sexual abuse and rape in Taliban prisons, as well as forced marriages involving Taliban members – cases that have never been transparently investigated nor those responsible held accountable.”
Amnesty: “Every woman has the right to choose what to wear”
Regional Office of Amnesty International South Asia called on the Taliban to immediately disclose the whereabouts of the detained women, ensure their safe return, and end measures that target women because of their clothing:
“Reports of multiple women being arrested by the Taliban in Herat province for not adhering to their restrictive dress code are deeply alarming. It is a stark reminder of the continued crackdown on the rights of women and girls in Afghanistan. Every woman has the right to choose what to wear, move freely, participate in public life, and live without fear or intimidation.”
“These arrests are part of Taliban’s gender persecution”
Afghan Women Activist’s Coordinating Body which is a global protection network and diasphora advocacy group, told on their X account that “According to eyewitnesses, photos and video footage received from Herat, Taliban forces arrested women in public spaces simply because their faces were not fully covered. These arrests are not isolated incidents. They are part of the Taliban’s systematic campaign of gender persecution, fear and total control over Afghan women’s bodies, movement and existence.”
Statement by the Afghan Women Activists Coordinating Body on the Arrest of Women in Herat
The Afghan Women Activists Coordinating Body strongly condemns the reported arrest of dozens of women and girls by the Taliban in Herat under the pretext of “bad hijab”.
— Afghan Women Activist´s Coordinating Body (AWACB) (@AWACB_DE) June 7, 2026
Tahera Nasiri, The founder and head of the “Women’s Movement Towards Freedom” stated that “The Taliban are attempting to erase women from public life, making them increasingly vulnerable whenever they leave their homes”. To Nasiri, through systematic restrictions and oppression, Taliban seek to exclude women entirely from society and deny them their fundamental rights and freedoms.
“Shame on those who lobby for this regime or portray the current situation as normal. The reality is that women in Afghanistan continue to face severe discrimination, exclusion, and repression every day” she said.
The Taliban are attempting to erase women from public life, making them increasingly vulnerable whenever they leave their homes. Through systematic restrictions and oppression, they seek to exclude women entirely from society and deny them their fundamental rights and freedoms.… pic.twitter.com/RlizxHBiKn
— Tahera Nasiri ~ طاهره ناصری (@nasiri_tahera) June 8, 2026
Hacer Foggo, founder of the Deep Poverty Network (Derin Yoksulluk Ağı), who responded to the Constitutional Court’s annulment of the provision allowing a divorced spouse to claim poverty alimony “indefinitely” on grounds of unconstitutionality, reminded the public that single mothers living in deep poverty are already working in irregular and uninsured jobs.
Photo: Serra Akcan / csgorselarsiv.org
The Constitutional Court (CC) in Turkey annulled the provision in Article 175 of the Civil Code allowing a divorced spouse to claim poverty alimony “indefinitely,” ruling it unconstitutional. The CC General Assembly decided to grant the Grand National Assembly of Turkey nine months to enact the necessary legislation.
The Antalya 12th Family Court had applied to the Constitutional Court in 2025 seeking the annulment of the phrase “indefinitely” in the provision on poverty alimony under Article 175 of Turkish Civil Code No. 4721. The high court issued this ruling upon the application of the local court.
Following the annulment ruling, it was reported in the press that the draft on the AKP’s table plans to take the duration of marriage as the basis. Accordingly, those married for 3 years would receive alimony for 5 years, those married for 5 years for 7 years, and those married for 10 years for 12 years.
Hacer Foggo, founder of the Deep Poverty Network (DPN), who shared her assessment with Niha+, underlined the hunger, debt, school dropout, and housing risks that emerge in households when alimony is cut or not paid.
Hacer Foggo: “Alimony is insufficient but vital support”
Photo: Hacer Foggo
Foggo emphasized how vital alimony is for women and stated that the public perception created, that “women receive alimony in high amounts” does not correspond to the reality in the field:
“A significant portion of the single mothers living in deep poverty whom we support in the field, particularly those working in daily precarious jobs, either receive very low amounts of alimony or cannot regularly collect the alimony that has been ruled. The 2024 Poverty Alimony Monitoring Report of the Women’s Solidarity Foundation also shows that, among the files examined, the average poverty alimony was 1,179.40 TL. It is impossible for this amount to suffice for a woman living alone. What we see in the field is this: alimony is not a welfare tool for women — it is a support that is most often vital yet insufficient for rent, bills, food, children’s school meals, transportation, medicine, fuel, and a safe life. Women living in deep poverty are already trying to survive through daily, irregular, and precarious work.”
The 2019 “Poverty Alimony Research” report of the Women’s Solidarity Foundation had recorded that only 20.7 percent of alimony rulings were paid by those obligated to pay, while 50.7 percent were never paid at all.
The foundation’s 2024 “Poverty Alimony Research” report stated that while the proportion of men with no income was 7 percent, the proportion of women with no income was 47 percent. Accordingly, while 80 percent of men work at or above the minimum wage, this figure stands at only 46 percent for women.
“The structural inequalities women face are being ignored”
Responding to the argument that making alimony time-limited is justified with the claim “Women should work too” which has been asserted in public debate, Foggo stated that this argument ignores the structural inequalities women face. Foggo said that single mothers living in deep poverty are already working, such as going to do daily cleaning, doing piecework, working in irregular and uninsured jobs, and underlined that these are not jobs that provide regular income, social security, or a dignified life.
Reminding that one of the biggest obstacles to women’s participation in the workforce is the burden of care, Foggo said: “If there are no free and accessible nurseries, if a woman cannot find a safe place to leave her child, it becomes practically impossible for her to work with a fixed income. Many women shoulder child care, school follow-up, hospital processes, housework, and the responsibility of livelihood entirely on their own. Ignoring these conditions means not knowing the conditions of deep poverty.”
“It becomes harder for women to escape violence”
According to Foggo, when alimony ends, a woman who has not yet established her economic independence faces even deeper poverty. Saying “For a woman who cannot find a free nursery to leave her child and cannot access regular and secure employment, the cutting of alimony means being unable to cover basic living expenses,” Foggo explained that this would place women in a more precarious and unhealthy situation:
“This situation may force women to accept lower-waged, uninsured, long-hour and unhealthy jobs. For some women, it may also increase the pressure to return to a home where they experience violence or to endure a violent relationship. Because the decision to divorce is not only a legal one, it is also an economic one. If a woman cannot find answers to the questions ‘where will I stay with my child, how will I pay the rent, how will I feed my child,’ it also becomes harder for her to escape violence.”
“Alimony also affects the child’s life”
Foggo, who stated that alimony directly affects not only the conditions of women but also those of children, argued that a decrease in a mother’s income produces consequences in every area, from a child’s nutrition to education, from access to health to housing.
Foggo emphasized that the removal of alimony security is one of the factors that could increase child labor, school dropout, malnutrition, and the risks of child marriage, and gave the following example: “In the field, we see that children drop out of school because their bus fare cannot be covered, that school meals cannot be prepared, that children are forced to look after younger siblings at home or work to bring income to the household.”
She said that such a decision should be addressed not only under the heading of alimony but together with women’s poverty, child poverty, care labor, and the right to escape violence:
“In our view, its effects in the field must be urgently monitored. At the same time, free and accessible nurseries must be expanded, regular social support must be provided to single mothers, secure employment opportunities must be increased, and effective public mechanisms must be operated in cases where alimony cannot be collected. Limiting alimony rights with a time limit without establishing social policies that will reduce women’s poverty is unacceptable. From our perspective, touching the right to alimony means touching the right to life of women and children living in deep poverty.”
DPN: “For single mothers, alimony is vital”
The Deep Poverty Network’s statement on the annulment of indefinite alimony is as follows:
Touching the Right to Alimony Means Touching Women’s and Children’s Right to Life
The Constitutional Court’s annulment of the phrase “indefinitely” concerning poverty alimony under Article 175 of the Turkish Civil Code is not merely a technical legal debate. This ruling cannot be evaluated independently of the living conditions of women in Turkey, particularly single mothers living in deep poverty, working in daily and precarious jobs.
Poverty alimony is not an unconditional, unlimited, and automatic privilege as it is presented to the public. It is subject to conditions such as not being at serious fault, falling into poverty due to divorce, and the continuation of need. When the need disappears, alimony can already be revoked. Despite this, presenting the right to alimony as a “lifelong burden” renders invisible the unpaid care labor women undertake within marriage, the impoverishment following divorce, and the economic conditions of escaping male violence. The Women’s Solidarity Foundation’s 2024 Poverty Alimony Monitoring Report shows that alimony amounts are not as high as publicly claimed, that the average poverty alimony in the files examined was 1,179.40 TL, and that a significant portion of ruled alimony cannot be collected. What we at the Deep Poverty Network see in the field is this: for single mothers, alimony is not a welfare tool, it is most often a vital threshold for rent, bills, food, school meals, transportation, wood, coal, medicine, and a “safe” life.
Single mothers living in deep poverty are on the one hand, shouldering the care of their children entirely on their own, while on the other hand trying to provide for the household through daily, irregular, low-wage, and precarious work. Single-parent households have no secure job, no regular income, and no free childcare support to safely leave their children. For this reason, limiting alimony with a time frame will, particularly for single mothers, produce the following consequences:
It will deepen the poverty of women and children. For a mother working in daily jobs, income is something that must be found anew each day; if there is no work that day, there is hunger, if the child is sick and there is no medicine. Limiting alimony will deepen poverty. “Some days I don’t eat myself so my children can eat more. But how well can they be nourished on pasta? Some days there’s nothing at all, we all have to go hungry.”
It will make escaping violence harder. One of the biggest obstacles to women making the decision to divorce is economic insecurity. A woman who wants to leave a home where she experiences violence will be forced to think about where she will stay with her child, how she will pay the rent, how she will feed her child — and will continue to “endure” the violence. “Due to the problems with my ex-husband, my life is still in danger. I can’t leave the house out of fear that he will kill me or harm my children. My son quit school and is doing daily work.”
It will leave the burden of care entirely on women’s shoulders. Child care, school follow-up, hospitals, housework, and livelihood are left simultaneously to the single mother’s responsibility. While free and accessible nurseries are not widespread, while flexible and secure employment is not provided, limiting the right to alimony will confine women to the home. “Every day I work daily jobs too, I can’t even spend proper time with my children out of exhaustion. My eldest son left school, he’s looking after his younger siblings at home.”
It will strip children of their right to education, nutrition, and health. The alimony debate concerns not only the living conditions of women but of children too. The impoverishment of a single mother may mean a child dropping out of school, being malnourished, and being unable to access health services. “I couldn’t give my high school freshman son his bus fare, I had to pull him out of school.”
It will worsen the housing crisis. In single-parent households, rent, bills, and basic household expenses are among the most acute dimensions of poverty. Limiting the right to alimony will push women and their children into unsafe, unhealthy living conditions. “I can’t make ends meet — should I pack the child a meal every day, or pay my rent?”
It will allow economic violence to persist after divorce. Non-payment, delay of alimony, and forcing women to renounce alimony are forms of economic violence. It will make it easier for men who exercise economic violence to escape responsibility. Women will be forced to accept lower-waged, uninsured, long-hour, and unhealthy jobs. “No matter how much I work it’s not enough. The employer always delays it. I can’t raise my voice. I have to live counting every penny… Believe me, I can’t even afford pads.”
Without developing social policies to reduce women’s poverty, without expanding free nurseries, without providing secure employment, without implementing equal pay for equal work, and without bringing care labor into life, limiting the right to alimony is unacceptable. The fact that in practice it is mostly women who benefit from this right stems from gender inequality. Poverty alimony is not a privilege granted to women — it is a social protection mechanism for the party that falls into poverty after divorce, and it is insufficient.
No regulation that ignores women’s poverty is just. No policy that leaves the burden of childcare on the shoulders of single mothers is compatible with the principle of the social state. No decision that weakens the economic security of women who want to escape violence can be considered independently of the right to life.
Touching the right to alimony means touching the lives of women and children living in deep poverty. We do not accept any regulation that will condemn women to poverty, violence, confinement to the home, and relationships of dependency.
The May 2026 United Kingdom elections were a serious warning for the Labour government, a sign of pressure for the Conservative Party to rebuild itself, a big opportunity for Reform UK, and a sign of a new period in domestic politics. These elections show that UK politics is becoming more fragmented, more competitive and more unpredictable.
The elections held in the United Kingdom last month were not general elections, but they were still an important turning point because they showed the political direction of the country. Local elections were held in many parts of England, while parliamentary elections were held in Scotland and Senedd elections were held in Wales. These elections gave a serious warning to the Labour government. Labour came to power with a large majority in the 2024 general election, but only two years later, the party lost a lot of support in all three countries.
Perhaps the most important result of the elections was the rise of political fragmentation. For a long time, politics in the United Kingdom was mainly shaped by the competition between Labour and the Conservative Party. However, the 2026 election results showed that the two-party system is becoming weaker. Reform UK gained strength as a right-wing populist alternative, while the Green Party, the Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru and the SNP increased their support in different regions. This shows that voters are no longer automatically loyal to traditional parties.
It would not be wrong to say that the May local elections were especially disappointing for Labour in England. In the elections held on 7 May, Labour either lost in many areas that could be described as its strongholds or saw a serious fall in its vote share. Reform UK achieved successful results, especially in areas where support for Brexit was high. Reform UK, which has been criticised for its anti-immigration position but has also increased its support recently, won more than 1,400 council seats in England. This has already put pressure on its rivals before the 2029 general election. Reform UK’s success shows that issues such as immigration, economic insecurity and public services still have a strong influence on voters.
The Green Party also achieved an important success in these elections, winning more than 500 council seats and two mayoralties in London. The Liberal Democrats also increased their number of council seats compared with the previous election.
May 2026 United Kingdom Elections
Political fragmentation, warning signs, and a roadmap analysis for 2029
Regional seat allocations and radical shift
Wales Senedd elections
Plaid Cymru
43
Reform UK
34
Labour
9
Scotland Holyrood elections
SNP (Scottish National Party)
57
Reform UK
17
Scottish Labour Party
17
England local elections & alternative powers
In council seats across England, voters looking for alternatives to the traditional two-party system drove radical shifts across both the right and left wings:
1,400+
Reform UK Council Seats
Achieved massive success particularly in high Brexit-support areas, creating a huge pressure element for 2029.
500+
Green Party Council Seats
Won two mayoralties in London and more than 500 seats, becoming the new focal point for left-wing/progressive voters.
Key dynamics shifting voter behavior
Chronic issues lie behind the end of “automatic” loyalty toward traditional parties:
Economic Instability & Cost of Living: Voters feel that the change of government in 2024 has not reflected onto their daily lives.
Healthcare (NHS) and Public Crisis: The decline in public services is being blamed on the traditional parties.
Immigration and Security Debates: This became the main fuel powering the rise of the right-wing populist Reform UK.
Political projection towards the 2029 general election
Although Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who is under heavy pressure, announced following the election results that he would not resign and would not drag the country into instability, the government’s room for maneuver has narrowed. In this new era where politics has turned into a much more fragmented, competitive, and unpredictable structure, the May 2026 results serve as a stark warning to all parties on the path leading to the 2029 general elections.
Exclusive HTML Infographic Module | Created using AI tools based on the article text.
Labour won only 9 seats in Wales
On 7 May, people in Scotland and Wales also voted to choose representatives for their national parliaments, and Reform UK achieved successful results in both countries. In Wales, the Welsh nationalist party Plaid Cymru won the highest number of seats, with 43 seats, and became the largest party in the Senedd. Reform UK became the second-largest party with 34 seats. Labour won only 9 seats in Wales.
In the elections for the Scottish Parliament, also known as Holyrood, the Scottish National Party, or SNP, won the election for the fifth time, but lost its majority. The SNP won 57 seats, while Reform UK and Scottish Labour shared second place with 17 seats each. The elections in Scotland showed that the question of independence is still very important for many voters. However, issues such as the cost of living, the NHS and public services were also important factors in how people voted.
The most important message of the 7 May elections for Labour is that its big victory in the 2024 general election was not a permanent vote of confidence. Keir Starmer’s government had promised economic stability, better public services and the rebuilding of political trust. However, the 2026 elections showed that many voters have not yet felt this change in their daily lives. After the election results, Starmer said that he would not resign and would not leave the country in “chaos”. This clearly showed that his government is under pressure.
Housing crisis, debates on migration
The wider meaning of the 2026 elections is that voter behaviour in the United Kingdom is now more affected by current problems. Economic difficulties, debates about immigration, the condition of public services, the housing crisis and political distrust are changing traditional voting habits. For this reason, the May 2026 elections were not only local or regional elections. They also gave serious warnings to political parties on the road to the 2029 general election.
The May 2026 United Kingdom elections were a serious warning for the Labour government, a sign of pressure for the Conservative Party to rebuild itself, a big opportunity for Reform UK, and a sign of a new period in domestic politics. These elections show that UK politics is becoming more fragmented, more competitive and more unpredictable.
Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Collective, states that the anti-LGBTQ+ provisions proposed in the 12th Judicial Package are not a health policy but an attempt to assert power over bodies. They note that the draft in question targets not only the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but also “everyone’s right to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere.”
Photo: Yusuf Çelik / csgorselarsiv.org
Anti-LGBTQ+ legislation is back on the agenda in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). Provisions that were withdrawn from the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which passed through parliament in previous year, due to public pressure have now been included in the 12th Judicial Package.
According to behind-the-scenes information obtained by KaosGL.org, a briefing note regarding the 12th Judicial Package was sent to senior Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP / Justice and Development Party) lawmakers. It has been learned that the package, expected to be submitted to the TBMM in June, contains provisions targeting the LGBTQ+ community and raising the age of access to gender-affirming surgery for trans individuals to 25.
Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Kolektifi (Hormone Rights Collective), assessed for Niha+ these proposed regulations, expected to be included in the 12th Judicial Package.
Ecmel: “The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment”
According to Ecmel, this draft law constitutes an overt policy of hatred that targets trans people’s autonomy over their bodies, the trust-based relationship they establish with healthcare providers, their access to healthcare, and their most fundamental spheres of existence.
Recalling that the government has long sought to portray LGBTQ+ individuals as a “threat to the family,” “a threat to children,” “a threat to society,” and “a threat to public morality,” Ecmel stated that this policy has transformed trans people’s access to healthcare from a matter of rights into an issue of security, morality, and punishment:
“The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment. A person’s access to hormones, surgery, psychosocial support, or any other health service related to the gender affirmation process cannot be criminalized. This draft law aims to make trans people’s lives manageable, controllable, and punishable. The government is saying, ‘I decide what happens to your body, and if your doctor supports you, I’ll punish both of you.’ This is not health policy; it is an attempt to assert power over our bodies. That is why when we say ‘My Right to Hormones,’ we are not merely talking about access to a medication. We are talking about the right to make decisions about our own bodies, the right to access safe healthcare, the right to speak with a doctor without fear, and the right not to be treated as a criminal because of our identity.”
“They’re afraid of our power to organize”
Ecmel, noting that many rights would be violated if this bill passes through parliament, said that access to healthcare which is already difficult for trans people, would become even harder, and those seeking healthcare would be pushed toward more precarious and unregulated avenues:
“If the law is passed, the resulting human rights violations will be multifaceted. The right to health will be violated. Because people will not be able to safely access the services they need. The right to privacy will be violated. Because a person’s body, identity, health information, and life will be turned into objects of state surveillance. The right to equality will be violated. Because access to the same health services is surrounded by penalties and specific barriers when it comes to trans people. Freedom of expression and association will be violated. It fuels hatred in society. It sends the message to people that ‘these individuals are already guilty, already dangerous, already targets.’ This leads to more discrimination and violence on the streets, in schools, at home, in hospitals, at workplaces, and on social media.”
Emphasizing that the purpose of the proposed regulations is not merely to regulate a few medical procedures, but also to prevent trans people from trusting the healthcare system, doctors from acting in accordance with professional ethics, and institutions from opening their doors to trans clients, Ecmel stated that these draft laws were written based on the questions: “How can LGBTQ+ people become less visible, make fewer demands, and feel more afraid?”
Ecmel said, “Because they fear our organizational power; the LGBTQ+ movement is a movement that has managed to form a strong opposition bloc despite all this oppression”
“The government says, ‘We decide what happens to the body‘”
They stated that the government is pursuing its efforts to isolate the LGBTQ+ community, silence doctors, intimidate families, polarize society, and portray the struggle for rights as criminal in four distinct ways:
“First, it masks social crises with the rhetoric of a ‘moral crisis.’ While real issues like the economic crisis, poverty, the housing crisis, the collapse of the healthcare system, the lack of a future for young people, and the violence faced by women and children are out in the open, the LGBTQ+ community is presented as an artificial threat. In this way, the public’s anger is diverted from real problems and directed toward a vulnerable group.
Second, a uniform lifestyle is being imposed under the guise of the “family.” Strengthening the family truly means reducing poverty, preventing violence, supporting care work, ensuring children’s safety, and making it possible for everyone to live equally and with dignity. But the government uses the family not as a support mechanism, but as a tool to keep society in line. By portraying LGBTQ+ individuals as a threat to the family, the government both fuels a politics of hatred and imposes a “acceptable citizen,” “acceptable body,” “acceptable gender,” and “acceptable relationship” on society.
Third, a message is being sent to the entire society through trans bodies. It says, “We, not you, decide what happens to the body.” This message is not directed solely at trans people; it is aimed at women, young people, those living with HIV, people with disabilities, children, and everyone in need of healthcare. The government seeks to control society by controlling bodies.
Fourth, they are trying to criminalize advocacy. This draft targets not only the healthcare processes of trans people but also the visibility, organization, solidarity, and advocacy of the LGBTQ+ community. Because those in power know that people are more easily intimidated when left alone; but when there is solidarity, information, and organized resistance, these repressive policies fail.”
Ecmel, noting that the provisions in the draft legislation have concrete consequences for trans people, such as being turned away from hospitals, being unable to access hormones, struggling to find a doctor, facing humiliation, being forced to accept misinformation, becoming isolated due to family pressure, and being unable to make decisions about their own bodies, stressed the importance of making trans people’s real-life experiences visible.
“This issue cannot be left solely on the shoulders of trans people”
Stating that this law directly targets the right to one’s own body, Ecmel underscored that a person’s ability to make decisions about their own body is not a favor granted by the state. According to Ecmel, the government threatens not only trans people but everyone’s bodies by asserting, “Your body does not belong to you; it can only exist within the boundaries drawn by the state”:
“Once the government begins punishing people’s decisions regarding their bodies under vague justifications like ‘public morality,’ ‘family,’ or ‘protection of society,’ this threat does not stop at trans people. “Today, trans people’s right to hormone therapy is under attack; tomorrow, abortion, birth control, HIV treatment, young people’s access to healthcare, psychiatric support, reproductive health, or other bodily autonomy decisions could be targeted using the same logic. That is why this struggle is not just a struggle for trans people. It is, in fact, a struggle over the question, ‘Who gets to decide about my body?’”
Ecmel, who stated that it is not just the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but everyone’s rights to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere that are under attack, said, “This issue cannot be brushed aside by saying, ‘LGBT+ organizations will make a statement anyway.’” Ecmel listed what each sector must do as follows:
“Medical associations must declare: Medicine cannot be practiced under the threat of punishment. Political power and the threat of imprisonment cannot be introduced into the patient-doctor relationship.
Bar associations must state: Existence cannot be criminalized. Privacy, bodily integrity, equality, and freedom of expression cannot be eliminated through moralistic criminal provisions.
Women’s organizations, feminists, and those working in reproductive health must state: Attacks on bodily autonomy are not separate from one another. The logic targeting trans people’s right to hormones is the same as the logic regulating abortion, birth control, sexual health, and reproductive health.
Unions and professional organizations must state: This law also concerns the labor sector. Because the professional autonomy of healthcare workers, the safety of LGBTQ+ workers, the prohibition of discrimination in the workplace, and everyone’s right to a life of dignity are all part of this attack.
Human rights organizations and political parties must state the following: This draft law must not be brought before Parliament under any circumstances; if it is, it must be opposed through all democratic means. Because hate laws cannot be made “reasonable” through debate. One’s very existence is not up for negotiation.”
Stating that merely making a statement would not be enough and that support must be provided in many areas, Ecmel said: “Legal preparations must be made, informative materials in the field of health must be produced, solidarity hotlines for physicians and healthcare workers must be established, and secure channels where young trans individuals and families can access accurate information must be strengthened. Media language must be monitored, and rapid response mechanisms against hate speech must be set up. Local governments, counseling centers, non-governmental organizations, and professional chambers must work together.”
“We are not alone. Our pride cannot be packaged!”
Emphasizing that this hate law must be completely withdrawn without being added to any judicial package, Ecmel said: “We do not accept our lives being narrowed down a bit more, our bodies being monitored by the state, and our access to healthcare being criminalized with every new package.”
Concluding their words, Ecmel stated that one of the most important things in this process is to counter fear with solidarity:
“With these laws, the government is not only producing a threat of punishment, but also sending the message: ‘You are alone, no one will defend you, your doctor will be afraid, and your organization will be silenced.’ Our response to this must be collective, loud, and clear: We are not alone. We will not give up on each other. Our pride cannot be packaged. No to the hate law in the 12th Judicial Package! Our bodies belong to us. We will not give up on our right to health, our right to hormones, and our right to life.”
What had happened?
After the government declared 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” regulations directly targeting LGBTQ+ individuals in the drafts of the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which were expected to be submitted to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, came to the agenda.
The 10th Judicial Package was approved by the assembly Justice Commission in June 2025. Following this, the 11th Judicial Package was submitted to the assembly on November 27, 2025, and approved on December 25, 2025.
According to the articles in these drafts submitted last year:
Under the scope of “indecent acts,” crimes of promotion or encouragement regarding LGBTQ+ individuals could be punished with imprisonment from one to three years.
Marriage and wedding ceremonies of same-sex individuals would also be punished with imprisonment.
Additionally, contents featuring LGBTQ+ individuals could be penalized or removed from broadcast by the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK).
One of the most critical regulations that stood out was raising the age for gender affirmation surgery for trans individuals from 18 to 25, and tightening the conditions for obtaining medical reports by exposing the relevant physicians to imprisonment and fines. For the gender transition process, the age limit was to be raised from 21 to 25.
However, public backlash created by LGBTQ+ organizations, feminists, and rights-oriented institutions prevented the articles in this draft from passing through parliament. This year, similar articles are back on the agenda.
According to data released by CİSST, as of June 2026, among the 421,583 inmates in prisons, at least 200 are LGBT+, 476 are disabled, and 14,276 are foreign nationals.
The Civil Society Association for the Penitentiary System (CİSST) released prison statistics for June 2026. According to these statistics, as of June, the 402 prisons in Turkey are housing 421,583 people, exceeding their designed capacity by 138.5%.
Data shared by CİSST indicates that 64,705 of these inmates are pretrial detainees, while 4,673 are children under the age of 18. The statistics also highlight that among these inmates, there are at least 200 LGBT+ inmates, 476 inmates with disabilities, and 14,276 foreign nationals.
There are 891 infants in prisons
According to CİSST, which notes that 4.8% of the inmates in prisons are women, there are also 891 infants and children under the age of six in prisons. The statistics compiled by CİSST reveal that prisons are not merely places of incarceration but also spaces where the elderly, children, people with disabilities, and infants living with their mothers are housed.
Report · CİSST
Overview
421,583
Total prison population
402
Number of prisons
304,390
Total official capacity
38.5% over capacity
Distribution by Detention Type
In closed prisons303,922
In open prisons117,661
Legal Status and Special Groups
356,878
Convicted prisoners
64,705
Pre-trial detainees (awaiting trial)
14,276
Foreign national prisoners
200+
LGBTI+ prisoners
Children and Women
4,673
Children aged 12–18 in prison
226 of them are girls
20,360
Women prisoners
891
Children aged 0–6 living with their incarcerated mothers
Age, Education and Work
6,680
Prisoners aged 65 and over
77,014
Prisoners continuing their education
58,500
Prisoners in insured employment
Prisoners with Disabilities (Total: 476)
Type of Disability
Number of People
Orthopedic disability
252
Visual impairment
96
Hearing impairment
68
Speech and language disability
34
Combined hearing and speech disability
26
Daily Food Allowance (2025)
₺144
Adult convicted prisoners, detainees and on-duty staff
₺275
Juvenile convicted prisoners and detainees
₺275
Children held with mothers, breastfeeding and pregnant inmates
A Turkish General Staff document dated 1940 and declassified in 2025 proposes the Turkification of place names in Hatay and the eastern provinces, and the inclusion of these names in maps and educational materials.
A Turkish General Staff document from 1940, declassified in 2025, brings the Turkification of place names in Hatay and the eastern provinces to the agenda. The document suggests including the new names in maps and educational materials.
It is understood that the document, shared by researcher M. Saleh Ghaderi on his personal X account, has been newly declassified. Bearing the stamp “DECLASSIFIED with the APPROVAL dated 10.07.2025 and numbered 148317,” the document argues that changing the aforementioned names is a “cultural and historical necessity” and states the following:
“It is deemed a cultural and historical necessity to use the pure Turkish equivalents of all foreign names currently used in Hatay and our eastern provinces, or to assign them new Turkish names.”
The Education system is also part of the process
Another striking element in the document is that the name changes are not limited solely to administrative decisions. By proposing the use of the changed place names in geography books, maps, and other publications, the Turkish General Staff aims for the new generations to learn these names.
The text states that the new names should be included in educational materials so that “the public and the new generation can learn these names more easily.”
Enver Pasha’s directive is the starting point
The 1940 document also shows that the changing of place names was not a practice belonging to a single period alone.
In his recent interview published on Niha+, historian Namık Kemal Dinç states that the first comprehensive initiative regarding the changing of place names began with a directive sent to the provinces by Enver Pasha on January 5, 1916. The directive demanded the Turkification of Armenian, Greek, and Bulgarian place names.
Dinç notes that this approach continued during the Republican period, specifically targeting place names of Kurdish, Armenian, Syriac, Greek, Laz, and Georgian origin.
Institutional transformation
According to Dinç’s research, the practice acquired a systematic nature with the “Specialized Commission for Name Changing” (Ad Değiştirme İhtisas Kurulu) established in 1957. The commission, which included representatives from the Turkish General Staff, the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of National Defense, the Ministry of National Education, the Turkish Language Association, and Ankara University, operated until 1978.
According to research, approximately 75,000 settlements were examined; official name change decisions were made for roughly 28,000 of them.
The “Politics of Memory” debate
Dinç evaluates the changing of place names not merely as an administrative regulation, but as the reconstruction of historical memory.
According to Dinç, the aim was to erase the traces of Anatolia’s multilingual and multicultural past and to create a new national memory.
Since the ceasefire signed between Iran and the U.S. on April 7, dozens of Kurds have been executed and many others killed. The letter and watercolor paintings addressing children, created by Kurdish activist Mojtaba Waisi, who was most recently killed by the Revolutionary Guards, have been widely shared in the media.
The ceasefire, which began on the 40th day of the Iran-U.S. war (April 7) and was initially set to last two weeks, continues to be in effect officially under Pakistani mediation. While Iran continues its negotiations with the U.S., it has maintained its repressive policies within the country during this period and executed many Kurdish prisoners facing political and “security” charges.
Mojtaba Waisi: “Power must be used to serve humanity”
On May 28, Mojtaba and Maysam Waisi were shot and killed in their family home in the Mehdiye neighborhood (Dare Daraz or Dîrij) of Kermanshah by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Following this incident, a letter written by Mojtaba Waisi to the children attending the library he founded, along with his artworks, came to light.
Signed artworks of Mojtaba Waisi.
It was learned that two of Mojtaba Waisi’s signed works depicting a Kurdish woman were created using watercolor.
Here is the translation from Sorani Kurdish to English of the two-page letter written by Mojtaba Waisi:
“Sometimes my feelings take flight toward that library where my soul flutters its wings for books. I miss every single child in that library: Mehiya, Mahbub, Sena, Aylin, Servinaz, Hena, Mübin, Diana, Atusa, Hesti, Alov, Negar, Ayda, Terane, Haniye, Aydın, Berhem…
I wonder if I’ll ever get to see them grow up and witness their futures? I don’t know if I’ll be able to bear witness to their futures and their adulthood. But from the depths of my heart, I wish each of them health, wisdom, and a life of honor. I love them; I wish for them knowledge and wisdom, to stay away from people’s tricks and deceptions, to be filled with humanity and reflect it, to have freedom, to seek justice, to serve the people, and to stand firm like ancient, noble oak trees. With the hope of seeing you in a free and enlightened world… The prosperity of the homeland and your greatness are my greatest wishes. May justice be with you; may justice be your supporter and refuge.
Under all circumstances, I am filled with despair and mental turmoil. Despair regarding an uncertain future… A despair stemming from not knowing what will happen, from being unable to foresee how events will unfold. How long will this situation continue? Will this tyrant’s reign come to an end—will this era of oppression finally cease? Or will another tyrant rise in his place? Will this vicious cycle repeat itself once more? How will the dictator’s power be overthrown and shattered?
Should the brave pay the price of freedom with their lives and all they possess, while the dishonorable and cowardly seize power and arrogance and ascend to the throne of rule and governance? Should those noble people who fought and lost their lives leave behind nothing but their photographs, now confined to prisons? Will the result of my comrades’ efforts and deaths be that the power over the nation’s future falls into the hands of those who seek it solely for their own interests? Yet power must be used to serve people and humanity. Before long, the bonds and chains of this captivity will be forged anew…
But the sorrow of rising up to fight against the oppressors is not a source of despair for me; on the contrary, it is the very essence of the flow of life and the meaning of existence. In this empty and meaningless world where I have found my own meaning, merely surviving and bowing to oppression out of fear of death is nothing but shame and humiliation.
Yours faithfully,
Your supporter and defender.”
According to the Kurdistan Human Rights Network (KHRN), the two brothers had previously been subjected to repeated pressure, threats, and detention by security forces due to their cultural activities and participation in anti-government protests.
It was reported that approximately one year ago, the two brothers, along with other cultural and literary activists, contributed to the establishment of the Darreh Drezh Kurdish library and organized cultural and artistic events to foster a sense of social solidarity among children and youth in the impoverished region. It is also known that the two brothers participated in the organization of many Newroz celebrations in the city and carried out various artistic projects in Kermanshah.
Deaths continue after the ceasefire
Since the ceasefire declared between Iran and the U.S. on April 7, 2026, the Iranian regime’s arrests, political executions, capital punishments, and attacks on Kurdish regions have continued. Human rights organizations have reported that this repression and the massacres have continued even after the ceasefire.
Individuals killed and executed by the Iranian regime following the April 7 ceasefire
April 7, 2026
Mohsen Eslamkhah
Hana Human Rights Organization reported that Mohsen Eslamkhah, a detained individual from Bukan, has been sentenced to death by the judiciary of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
April 14, 2026
Ghazal Mawlan
Ghazal Mawlan, an 18-year-old Komala member who was severely injured during Iran’s drone strike targeting opposition groups in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, has passed away. Human rights organizations reported that some hospitals refused to provide treatment due to fear of political pressure.
April 17, 2026
3 killed in attack on PDKI camp
Following the ceasefire, three people lost their lives in an attack carried out by Iranian unmanned aerial vehicles on a PDKI camp in Iraqi Kurdistan. Two women were among the deceased.
April 25, 2026
Nasser Bakerzadeh
The Supreme Court of Iran upheld the death sentence of Nasser Bakerzadeh, a 26-year-old Kurdish prisoner detained in Orumiyeh Central Prison.
May 2, 2026
Nasser Bakerzadeh and Yaghoub Karimpour
In the early hours of May 2, Nasser Bakerzadeh, a Kurdish Sunni, and Yaghoub Karimpour, a disabled Azerbaijani Turk Yarsani citizen, were secretly executed in Orumiyeh Central Prison without prior notification to their lawyers or families. It was noted that prison authorities have since prevented the handover of their bodies. KHRN learned that both individuals had been transferred from the general ward to a security unit in the city on April 30, where they were pressured to record forced video confessions.
May 4, 2026
Mehrab Abdollahzadeh
Kurdish political prisoner Mehrab Abdollahzadeh was secretly executed in Orumiyeh Central Prison without any prior notification given to his family or defense lawyers. Security forces refused to hand over his body to his family.
May 21, 2026
Ramin Zaleh and Karim Maroufpour
Two Kurdish political prisoners, Ramin Zaleh and Karim Maroufpour, who were sentenced to death on charges of “armed rebellion,” were secretly executed in Naqadeh Prison in the early hours of May 21. No prior notice was given to their families or lawyers.
May 23, 2026
Ghazi Kawani
According to reports received by the Hana Human Rights Organization, Ghazi Kawani, a Kurdish shopkeeper from Doletu village in Sardasht County, passed away on May 23 due to severe injuries. Kawani had been critically wounded a few days earlier by direct fire from the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran along the Jasousan border corridor.
May 28, 2026
Waisi brothers
Mojtaba Veysi and Meysam Veysi, two Kurdish Yarsani brothers and cultural activists from Kermanshah, were killed by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) forces on May 28 in Ghaleh-Kouhesh village, located in the Dalahu county of Kermanshah province.
May 28, 2026
Ramazanpour and Marefati
Esmaeil Ramazanpour, 38, residing in Yazd, and Arman Marefati, a 30-year-old Kurdish civilian from Saqqez in Kurdistan Province, were sentenced to death on charges of “enmity against God” in connection with the December 2025–January 2026 protests.
May 30, 2026
Raouf Sheikh-Maroufi and Mohammad Faraji
Hana Human Rights Organization learned that the Supreme Court upheld the death sentences of two Kurdish political prisoners, Raouf Sheikh-Maroufi and Mohammad Faraji. The cases of these two individuals, who reside in Bukan and were detained during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising, have been referred to the Sentence Enforcement Branch.
767
The number of reported detentions during the period from the ceasefire to April 21.
36
The total number of executions reported by KHRN during the war and ceasefire process.
Sources: Kurdistan Human Rights Network (KHRN), Iran Human Rights (IHRNGO), Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI). Chronological data only covers deaths, executions, and attacks reported after the April 7, 2026 ceasefire.
*This infographic was created with AI tools, utilizing data from the specified sources.
Following the closure of Istanbul Bilgi University by a presidential decree issued on May 22, students, faculty, and staff protested the decision for three days. On the night of May 24, it was announced that the closure order had been revoked by another presidential decree.
Istanbul Bilgi University, Santral Campus. Photo: Sosin Aslan
Following the closure of Istanbul Bilgi University, announced in a decision by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan published in the Official Gazette on the night of May 22 without any prior notification to students, faculty or staff, protests broke out on the university campus. Three days after the closure, another presidential decree announced that the university had reopened. What happened during those three days?
Day one (May 22)
On the night of May 22, the decision to close Istanbul Bilgi University was published in the Resmi Gazete. Issued under Article 11 of the Additional Provisions of Law No. 2547 on Higher Education, this decision allows the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) to suspend the operations of higher education institutions established by foundations if YÖK determines deficiencies in their educational standards and these are not rectified despite warnings.
YÖK and the university administration issued a statement early this morning assuring that no one would be left in a difficult situation. Shortly after the statement, the Bilgi University Student Solidarity group reported that employees’ meal cards and private health insurance had been canceled.
Students, faculty members, and staff gathered at the Santral Campus at 2:00 p.m. to protest the decision. Entrances were blocked by riot police with barricades, and the historic gate of the university was locked. Security units allowed students onto the campus but initially did not allow graduates to enter. Later, through negotiations led by graduates and union members, many people were able to enter the campus. Several unions, including the Private Sector Teachers’ Union (Özel Sektör Öğretmenleri Sendikası) and Eğitim-SEN, were present on campus.
A march was held to the Rector’s Office, where press statements were made in front of the building, followed by the launch of an indefinite sit-in on the campus lawns. After speeches and chants, the Music Department of Istanbul Bilgi University also arrived at the sit-in site with their instruments.
Photo: Doğa Tekneci / Niha+
Students organized a forum in the evening. After the forum, everyone on campus spent the night inside the university. As a result of negotiations with the Rector’s Office, decisions were made to provide housing for students staying on campus, set up an event tent, allow access to food and water, prevent students inside from being removed, and resume in-person education after the holiday.
Day two (May 23)
At 2:00 PM, everyone gathered on campus. This time, graduates and union members were not permitted entry. A unionized faculty member had their foot trapped in the door by private security. Following negotiations, entry was finally permitted.
Students organized a press conference to demand that the university be nationalized and resume operations within three days. They chanted slogans such as “Knowledge belongs to us, and it will remain ours,” “Knowledge is here with its professors,” and “Long live student solidarity.” A march was held to the Rector’s Office building, where a sit-in and a forum were held. During the forum, some academics and Rector Ege Yazgan pledged that the rights of everyone at Istanbul Bilgi University would be protected.
Faculty and students from the Music Department at Istanbul Bilgi University gave a concert. The students spent the night at the university again.
As night fell, the number of riot police and detention vehicles in the university parking lot increased significantly. At midnight, Rector Ege Yazgan announced that the campus would be effectively closed. The decision was put into effect, with entry prohibited for students, faculty, and alumni, and it was stated that no food or water supplies would be allowed in from outside.
Day three (May 24)
Police and private security personnel did not allow students or staff to enter the campus from outside.
People outside threw food and snacks over the fences to the students inside.
Students inside the campus were forcibly removed through torture. Police used physical violence and pepper spray against the students. Many injured students reported instances of torture through journalists covering the news. It was noted that some students had blood on their faces, arms, and legs.
Following the police intervention against the students, around 5:00 p.m., students and staff held up a banner reading “Honk for Bilgi” and called out to passing cars on the street. After everyone was forcibly removed from the campus, the sit-in continued in front of the college.
According to information published in the Resmi Gazete late at night, the decision to close Bilgi University was withdrawn by a presidential decree.
YÖK President Erol Özvar stated in a post on his social media account this morning (May 25) regarding the matter: “The initial decision was a mandatory legal procedure that had to be carried out within the framework of current legislation. However, based on the reports submitted and the assessment of the current situation, our President, as always, has carefully considered the expectations of our students, their families, and university staff.”
The “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative, established in memory of Arya, a transgender student who took her own life at the TOBB ETÜ dormitory, states that trans suicides are a consequence of systemic issues: “We repeat that the perpetrators of transgender deaths are the state, the family system, and a society in which the state’s transphobia is dominant.“
The “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative, founded by trans and LGBTQ+ activists, provided Niha+ with a statement regarding the death of Arya, a trans student who took her own life while living in a dormitory at TOBB ETÜ University.
Arya, a student at TOBB Economics and Technology University (TOBB ETÜ), took her own life on April 13, 2026, at the student dormitory where she was staying. Her friends and LGBTQ+ organizations had demanded an investigation into the incident, stating that Arya, a trans student, had been subjected to bullying and discrimination, and had brought her death to the attention of parliament.
Seren, a member of the initiative, states that trans suicides are not individual cases but a direct result of the state’s transphobic policies. Stating that they do not want another trans person to be driven to suicide and killed, nor for the state to cover it up, Seren explained that they established the “What Happened to Arya Initiative” in Arya’s name, bringing together all trans comrades who were not among them:
“We, as queer people and women, are filled with the need and desire to organize and fight against the cover-up of every single trans suicide or murder. Arya’s murder by being driven to suicide was another breaking point for us, just as it is every time we lose a trans friend.”
“The dorm management is one of the perpetrators”
According to Seren, a member of the initiative, Arya was subjected to severe pressure and harassment during her time at the dorm. Seren said, “Immediately after Arya’s suicide, and before the prosecutor’s office took action, TOBB ETÜ rummaged through and hastily gathered the belongings in the dorm room where Arya lived and sent them to her family. Naturally, this raises many questions in our minds. The answer these questions point to is the same: TOBB ETÜ dorm management is one of the perpetrators.”
Seren, citing information from Arya’s relatives, stated that photos were taken of Arya when she dressed in a way that made her feel at home, and that pressure was exerted using these images. She said that dorm director Semiha Akın repeatedly called Arya’s family, saying, “Take her out of here, she’s acting strangely.”
Seren also noted that Arya’s suggestion to add an LGBTIQ+ slogan to a campus protest against femicide was met with backlash: “Arya was targeted; she faced threats and insults from students. Shortly thereafter, she was cornered and beaten by a group of students on campus. Of course, those responsible have faced no consequences and are still continuing their education at the school.”
“Trans suicides are the consequence”
Seren, who defines trans suicides not as individual acts but as the product of systemic violence, states, “We repeat that the perpetrators of trans deaths are the state, the family system, and a society in which the state’s transphobia reigns supreme. From the moment they are born, trans people are isolated in this country: first, they cannot find a place within their families; then, landlords refuse to house them; then, workplaces; then the streets, and we see a reality emerging before us that seeks our eradication,” she said.
According to Seren, the inadequacy of the 4,000 TL KYK scholarship and loan amount, the increasingly difficult access to hormones, and dormitory administrations that enforce the binary gender system—and threaten and harass trans people when they step outside of it—are among the primary conditions driving trans people to death. For this reason, noting that there are many causes of trans suicides, Seren said the following:
“Trans people’s right to access hormones is becoming increasingly inaccessible every day due to the state’s transphobic and hateful policies. Consequently, when investigating the causes of trans suicides, we encounter dozens of reasons, and we are being made to believe that our lives are not considered lives, and that our suicides are isolated incidents.”
“Our struggle must become a matter of public”
Seren noted that they have not yet initiated any legal action, stating that their priority is to share Arya’s experiences and the suicide process she was driven into with the public:
“Our priority is to share Arya’s story, her life, her identity, her experiences, and the path that led her to suicide, with the public. By weaving this narrative step by step, we aim to have all democratic sectors take ownership of this struggle and walk this path with us. Without being confined by the limits of the prevailing legal system—though we will certainly utilize it—we want to hold those responsible for Arya’s death accountable and ensure true justice is served.”
Seren concluded her remarks by stating that they can only achieve their demands regarding trans suicides through struggle:
“We must emphasize that there is no other way but to fight together by sharing our experiences—in short, our struggles—with society, and that what trans and queer people experience is the concern of every segment of society. Our struggle must become a societal one; our struggles must be shared.”
Trans suicides are four times higher than cis suicides
According to an interview given by mental health expert Prof. Dr. Şahika Yüksel to Tuğçe Yılmaz of bianet, among 141 adult transgender individuals who had never sought help from a healthcare institution or had sought help but received no support, the rate of those who had attempted suicide before the age of 21 was recorded at 76%.
Additionally, according to the ILGA-Europe 2026 Rainbow Map, Turkey ranks 47th out of 49 countries in terms of LGBTQ+ rights.
The statement published by the “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative on its social media accounts under the headline “Who Is Semiha Akın, Manager of TOBB ETÜ Dormitories?” reads as follows:
“Semiha Akın, who has served as the General Director of TOBB ETÜ Dormitories since at least 2013, has been the subject of continuous complaints and exposés shared by students residing in the dormitory since the year she assumed her position; however, none of these complaints or exposures have been taken into consideration.
As the ‘What Happened to Arya’ Initiative, we have previously stated that Arya’s murder, in which she was driven to suicide, is not an isolated incident, and there is not a single perpetrator behind the incident. However, we assert that dormitory director Semiha Akın bears responsibility for Arya’s murder by driving her to suicide, and we demand that an effective investigation be conducted to immediately remove Semiha Akın from her position and bring her to trial for the numerous crimes she has committed.
Semiha Akın has used the state’s gender-biased and LGBTIQ+ phobic policies as a shield to exert control over female and queer students, subjecting them to violence and harassment, she has repeatedly stated that she does not address students who file complaints regarding dormitory conditions, and by acting in violation of dormitory regulations, such as searching students’ rooms in their absence, she has presumed the right to violate their privacy.
So, how was Semiha Akın able to do all of this? How is it possible that she could say about a female student, “I even know the color of her thong,” demanded that a student fold her clothes after throwing them on the floor; entered a student’s room while they were naked and harassed them; made remarks targeting a female student’s sexuality after finding birth control pills in her room; and shared the situation with the student’s family?
Dorm director Semiha Akın was able to do all of this because she is aware that nothing will happen to her, and that the state’s “Year of the Family” policies already support the practices she is implementing. She has the state itself backing her.
In Arya’s specific case, Semiha Akın’s actions have taken on a much more severe dimension due to Arya’s trans identity.
When Arya did not dress according to “social norms,” Semiha Akın secretly took photos of her and shared them with her family, who were forcing Arya into “conversion therapy”—a crime against humanity. By telling the family, “Take this from here,” regarding Arya’s identity and body, she clearly committed a hate crime.
So, what has come of all this? The complaints and public exposures by the female and queer students were ignored and forcibly deleted; our classmate Arya was driven to suicide and murdered, while nothing happened to Semiha Akın.
Even after Arya was driven to suicide and murdered, the dormitory administration entered Arya’s room without the prosecutor’s permission and rummaged through her belongings.
This situation raises several questions at once:
1-How is Semiha Akın able to continue serving as dormitory director when she has harassed and threatened so many students to date?
2-Why has no legal investigation been conducted to date regarding Semiha Akın, who bears concrete responsibility for Arya’s suicide?
3-What else has Semiha Akın done to students residing in the dormitory—things even we are unaware of—that has led to the removal of numerous reports about her?
Until an effective investigation into Arya’s death is conducted, until Semiha Akın and all those responsible for Arya’s death are held accountable, and until they are tried by true justice, we will continue to escalate our struggle and keep asking, “What Happened to Arya?”
*The views of the TOBB ETÜ administration and the dorm director in question could not be obtained.
Data from the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) regarding the most common names in Turkey and the most popular names for newborns indicates that nationalist names are replacing traditional-religious ones. While Kurdish names are often not recorded due to legal and practical obstacles, it remains impossible to access any information regarding Kurdish names within TURKSTAT’s data system.
Image: Niha+
TURKSTAT has released data on the most frequently used and newborn names in Turkey for 2025. According to the institute’s data, the most common names for men are Mehmet, Mustafa, Ahmet, and Ali, while for women, they are Fatma, Ayşe, Emine, and Hatice. The records show that these four names in each category have maintained their rankings since 2018.
Among newborns, Alparslan ranks first among the most preferred male names. A total of 7,509 newborn boys were given this name by their families. Göktuğ, Metehan, Yusuf, and Kerem share the top spots. For newborn girls, the most preferred names are Alya, Defne, Gökçe, Zeynep, and Asel. TURKSTAT’s website provides data dating back to 2018, with rankings provided for the top 30 in each category.
“Visibility” in Baby Girl Names (2025)
Alya
8,739
Defne
7,716
Gökçe
7,582
Zeynep
6,228
Phonetic Barriers in the Registry System
While modern names like Alya and Defne have climbed to the top for baby girls, names embedded in cultural memory such as Rozerîn, Bêrîvan, and Zîlan continue to be relegated to the “unknown” or “converted” categories in official statistics. This situation is a statistical reflection of a century-old language policy.
Based on this data, it is possible to state that since 2018, nationalist names such as Alparslan, Göktuğ, and Metehan have begun to be preferred over traditional-religious names like Ahmet, Mehmet, and Mustafa for boys. While names like Mehmet and Mustafa still rank at the top of the overall “most used” list in Turkey, we see that these names have been used significantly less for newborns since 2018. This points to a clear societal shift.
The Transformation of Names in Data (2025)
Newborn Boy Name Preferences (By Number)
Alparslan
7,509
Göktuğ
6,029
Miran
3,751
Mustafa
2,407
Ahmet
2,280
Traditional Heritage: Mehmet still ranks 1st across Turkey with over 1.2M people, but fell to 11th among newborns.
New Trend: Miran rose to 6th place in 2025, surpassing long-established names like Ömer and Miraç.
Phonetic Barriers in the Registry System
While modern and nationalist names have climbed to the top, Kurdish names like Jan, Ciwan, and Arîn remain “invisible” in official statistics due to bureaucratic and phonetic barriers.
Source: TURKSTAT 2018-2025 Dataset. Chart by Niha+ Special News.
The “Outlier” hame on the list
There is, in fact, an “outlier” name among TURKSTAT’s top 30: Mîran. This name entered the Turkish naming landscape primarily through the television industry.
Mîran, which means “Mirs” or “Lords” in Kurdish, ranks 6th on the 2025 list. While Mîran was not among the top 30 names in 2018, it made an entry at 8th place in 2019. This rise is clearly linked to the influence of the TV series Hercai, which began airing in 2019 and featured a lead character named Miran Aslanbey. Following this series, the name Mîran experienced a rapid surge among male names in Turkey. Between 2020 and 2023, it fluctuated within the top 30, ranking 12th in 2024 and reaching 6th place in 2025.
This example serves as a case study for several reasons: the reliance on information in some circles that the name has Persian origins, the ease of acceptance for a name that has become a popular culture element, and the fact that it does not contain the distinctive letters of the Kurdish alphabet such as “X, Q, W.” This situation demonstrates that through popular culture, the name has been stripped of its “ethno-political” context and has become an aesthetic choice for parents from diverse backgrounds.
Kurdish names hitting the “Letter” barrier
However, beyond the name Mîran, there is a blind spot in the mirror held by official statistics. In that blind spot lies the reality of families whose chosen Kurdish names for their children hit a “letter barrier” and who must engage in a legal struggle to obtain identification documents.
Article 66 of the Constitution states, “Everyone bound to the Turkish State through the bond of citizenship is a Turk.” Yet, it is well known that people of many ethnic backgrounds other than Turkish live in Turkey, and these individuals give their children names in their own mother tongues. Due to legal and practical obstacles in Turkey, no official records are kept regarding ethnic and linguistic origins, and thus no concrete data is available. Nevertheless, daily practices show that Kurdish parents frequently give their newborns Kurdish names—a situation that has become much more visible in recent years.
Names like Bêrîvan, Zîlan, Baran, Sosin, Rojbîn, and Rojhat are heard more frequently in streets, cafes, and universities. Despite this, official statistics do not mention these names. Since TURKSTAT only provides the top 30 names, there is no information regarding names below that rank. Therefore, while conducting an objective assessment is naturally difficult, certain daily practices and obstacles bring to the fore several possibilities regarding why Kurdish names do not appear in the top 30.
Are these names absent simply because they are fewer in number, or is it because population registries—despite various amendments over time to Law No. 1353 on the Adoption and Application of Turkish Letters—still prevent such names from being recorded on IDs?
Lives with two names
While there haven’t been many reports in the press recently, news stories from a few years ago detailed the many difficulties faced by families giving their children Kurdish names.
During the research for this report, we learned the story of a father who went to the registry office years ago wanting to name his child “Rojhat.” The official at the registry office said of the name Rojhat, “This name is not allowed; it must be another name,” and forced the father to accept the official’s own name as the child’s name for the ID.
Consequently, there are people whose real names are Rozerîn or Rojbîn but are officially recorded as Ayşe or Zeynep. There are individuals who are Rozerîn, Botan, or Rojbîn at home but are Zeynep, Ayşe, or Ahmet in schools and government offices. In one case, a woman named Ayşe, whose real name was Rojbîn, took out a loan despite her poor financial situation to change her name through the courts. However, she passed away while the court case was still ongoing and was buried under the name Ayşe.
“Jan” or “Can”?
An incident in 2022 provides clues regarding the “gray areas” in TURKSTAT’s data. (The names of the family have been withheld for security reasons). A. and C. wanted to name their newborn Jan Arvîn. They went to the registry office in their province. The official asked, “What language is Jan?” The family replied that it is both Kurdish and Circassian. The official responded, “No, it’s not possible; we cannot accept Kurdish,” but stated they could accept it if it were a Turkish name.
When the family insisted on Jan, noting that a famous person had recently used a Kurdish name, the official replied, “They are artists; they have long arms; they can do it.” He then gave another example: “For instance, someone else came last week. Their name was Ciwan. We solved the problem by writing it as Civan. Come, let’s change your J to a C and make it Can. Look, this child will face many problems in the future in school and among friends because of this name.” When the family remained persistent, they were sent to a higher official and were eventually allowed to use the name Jan only after signing a document stating they took all responsibility.
Kurdish Names: A Century-Old Struggle
The process of “naming by signing a waiver” is a lingering consequence of Turkey’s language and identity policies over the last 100 years. Here is the chronology filled with bans, circulars, and “alphabet” barriers:
1925Law on Maintenance of Order and Reform Plan for the East
With the proclamation of the Republic, the use of languages other than Turkish was prohibited. Under Article 41 of the Reform Plan for the East, penalties were imposed on those using non-Turkish languages in public spaces and government offices.
1928Law No. 1353 on the Adoption and Application of Turkish Letters
The law transitioning to the Latin alphabet became the primary justification for blocking the registration of Kurdish names (specifically due to characters like q, w, x).
1980 – 1991Law No. 2932: Absolute Prohibition
Following the September 12 coup, the use of Kurdish was completely banned. Although repealed in 1991, the reality of “dual naming” (official vs. traditional) persisted in bureaucracy.
2002 – 2003EU Harmonization and “Conditional” Naming Rights
Through a Ministry of Interior circular, the ban on names was lifted under the condition of “compliance with the Turkish alphabet.”
During this period, civil registry offices continued to reject Kurdish names on grounds such as “general morality.”
2006Civil Registry Services Law No. 5490
The new law guaranteed the right to name children; however, bureaucratic obstacles and the “character ban” remained in effect.
Present DayThe Alphabet Wall and Legal Battles
Names like “Awin, Bawer, Xunaw” are still subject to bureaucratic hurdles and lawsuits due to letters not present in the official Turkish alphabet.
Constitutional Obstacles
Article 3: “The language of the State of Turkey is Turkish.” (Barrier to official recognition)
Article 42: “No language other than Turkish shall be taught as a mother tongue.” (Educational barrier)
*Infographics were created by the AI tool Gemini. Some names have been changed due to individual requests and security reasons.
