Gender

Queer poets say “queer poetry exists to disrupt mainstream showcases”

Poets Deniz Erkaradağ and Ceren Avşar discussed how queer identity intersects with poetry, the imagery in queer poetry, how the Turkish language creates space for this kind of writing, and the censorship practices they encountered in publishing.

“[…] poetry is not a luxury. It is a vital necessity of our existence. It forms the quality of the light within which we predicate our hopes and dreams toward survival and change, first made into language, then into idea, then into more tangible action.“


-Audre Lorde

As Black lesbian feminist poet Audre Lorde reminds us, poetry is a way of “naming the nameless.” Queer poetry, in this respect, takes on an additional unique burden: to describe an “invisible” experience in a world constructed by the language in which it seeks to exist, while simultaneously challenging the normative boundaries of that language.

The roots of queer poetry in Turkey go back further than commonly believed. From the veiled themes of male desire explored in Divan literature, to Enderunlu Fazıl’s “Defter-i Aşk” (Book of Love) which was confiscated centuries ago, to the poems of Arkadaş Z. Özger, and to the often invisible framework that has grown around organizations like Kaos GL and Lambdaistanbul today, queer poetry has been almost entirely absent from the “mainstream” part of literary history and has had to be gathered from archives, oral history, or independent sources.

Speaking to Niha+, poets Ceren Avşar and Deniz Erkaradağ stated that poetry is not a theme or a subject, but rather a space where language is re-constructed, a space of images and perspectives. Avşar and Erkaradağ discussed both the unexpected freedoms inherent in the genderless nature of the Turkish language and the reality of censorship that still persists at the levels of publishing, distribution, and public visibility.

“Queer poetry is also political”

Deniz Erkaradağ

In Turkey, the category of “political poetry” has long excluded LGBTQ+ identities. Poet Deniz Erkaradağ explained this situation by saying, “There is a field called political poetry, and this field does not include LGBTQ+ identities in any way. When you talk about queer poetry, you encounter something like ‘that’s bourgeois poetry, it’s not political anyway.'” Stating that this distinction does not reflect the truth, Erkaradağ emphasized that both her poetry and queer poetry are political, saying, “My poetry is definitely political, and queer poetry is also political. It’s impossible for me not to reflect this in my writing.”

Ceren Avşar, speaking from a similar perspective, argues that for her, queer identity is not a theme added later to poetry, but a constitutive space at the center of her existence and, consequently, her language. Bringing Judith Butler’s idea of ​​performativity from Gender Trouble to poetry, Avşar explains that language itself is given through the language of power and norms, and that she re-bends, distorts, and reconstructs this while writing. Referring to Michel Foucault’s History of Sexuality, she defines writing poetry as a practice of “counter-discourse” against the discourse produced by power.

Ceren Avşar

Writing in a language without gender

Erkaradağ, interpreting the contributions of Turkish to poetry from a gender perspective, stated that she does not find Turkish “poor” in this regard and that it does not experience a language barrier in terms of identity or gender expression. Erkaradağ also emphasized that some theoretical concepts in academia (for example, “queer” or “gender”) may be controversial.

According to Avşar, who stated that the absence of masculine or feminine suffixes in Turkish opens up a space of freedom in the context of gender and queer existence, Turkish is a direct “opportunity” in this sense. She explained that in many languages, the subject is confined to a binary gender regime from the very first step, while Turkish offers “a neutral playground where ambiguity and fluidity prevail.”

Avşar also relates this to her own experience with dyslexia:

“As someone living with dyslexia, learning another language, penetrating its structure, and being able to write in it is extremely difficult, even impossible, for me. Therefore, the production, the refuge, and the entire universe of expression have become, in a way, necessary to be drawn to a single center: Turkish. However, this situation has transformed my connection with Turkish into an extremely deep and layered relationship. My inability to find resonance in other languages ​​has led me to delve deeper into the veins, flexibilities, and hidden spaces of this single language I can master.

The genderless nature of Turkish makes it easier for me to transcend the sexist boundaries of power and norms within this monolingual universe. I may be limited by the boundaries of a specific language; however, thanks to the timeless and genderless flexibility offered by Turkish, I can create an infinite world of imagery within those boundaries.”

“Queer poetry exists to disrupt mainstream showcases”

Erkaradağ, evaluating the censorship mechanisms targeting queer poetry, stated that they don’t write queer poetry invisibly, saying, “It’s so obvious that it’s being banned.” Erkaradağ also claimed that Kitapyurdu has deliberately started excluding queer books from its catalog, and that they can’t get into chains like D&R.

Therefore, she said, relying on independent publications and digital or independent distribution networks has become a necessity for queer poetry. “There’s a big difference between a bookstore receiving hundreds of copies of a book and boutique publishing houses trying to sell them individually,” she added.

Erkaradağ’s account isn’t just about one experience; there are hundreds of similar examples. The Turkish Publishers Association, PEN Turkey, and the Turkish Writers’ Union have repeatedly issued joint condemnations against the “obscene publications” mechanism, which operates under the Ministry of Family and Social Services and is used by the Board for the Protection of Minors from Obscene Publications. LGBT+ themed books have been repeatedly removed from digital sales platforms through this mechanism. One of the best-known examples is the Heartstopper series, removed from D&R due to its queer content. Sales of the book were halted in 2021 on the grounds that it was “of a nature that would have a harmful effect on the morality of those under 18.”

He explained that censorship manifests itself as either a “conservative state of ignoring that renders queer existence invisible” or a “fetishizing approach that views queer existence as a marketable ‘marginality'”:

“Sometimes censorship doesn’t manifest as the refusal to publish the text; it appears as an aesthetic intervention in editorial processes under the guise of ‘making the language more universal’ or ‘finding the image too direct.’ Fetishization, on the other hand, tends to perceive queer poetry not through the poetic power of the text itself, but solely through the label it carries, as an ‘interesting’ or ‘political appeal.’

It’s no coincidence that queer poetry establishes its own free space through independent publications, fanzines, and alternative platforms, in opposition to this restrictive, sterilizing, or meta-transforming structure of the mainstream, because queer poetry doesn’t need the approval of the mainstream or the showcases it creates to gain acceptance. On the contrary, it exists precisely to disrupt those showcases and boundaries.”

Erkaradağ also stated that fetishization can particularly manifest in “liberal and capitalized” forms of the queer movement, emphasizing that in the current climate of intense pressure on the LGBT+ movement (police intervention in Pride Marches, closure of associations, detention of volunteers), one should not speak of such a “fetish” atmosphere, but rather of a direct threat and a need for solidarity.

Arkadaş Z. Özger

Born in Bursa in 1948, Arkadaş Z. Özger (pseudonym) graduated from the Faculty of Political Sciences, Department of Press and Broadcasting at Ankara University. During a police raid on the Faculty of Political Sciences dormitory on January 24, 1971, and subsequent detention, Arkadaş was subjected to torture and suffered severe head injuries. In 1973, at the age of 25, he was found severely wounded on Meşrutiyet Street in Ankara. While the official cause of death was a brain hemorrhage, some believe that Arkadaş bore the marks of an attack stemming from his identity. His book, which he intended to title “The Tragedy of a Beardless Boy,” was only published under the same title in 2014, decades after his death.

Erkaradağ stated that Arkadaş is still not fully recognized for his queer identity, and that a state of “inability to accept” this identity persists, sometimes ignored or rejected by former leftist circles.

Whose voice is heard?

Avşar stated that, “no matter how hard she tries to be brave in her writings or public presence, the dark reality of the geography she lives inevitably imposes self-censorship on her.” Avşar described this self-censorship not as a “retreat,” but as “a survival reflex constantly clashing with a heavy sense of responsibility growing within her”:

“For every woman and LGBTQ+ person whose life has been taken and whose voice has been silenced, writing, speaking, and existing is no longer a personal choice for me, but an unavoidable duty. Therefore, despite the human anxiety and internal obstacles I experience, I see being visible as a necessity. It is our duty to be the voice of those who have been murdered, ignored, and targeted because of their identity and existence, to carry their cries into words and images. Pushing the suffocating boundaries of self-censorship again and again, saying ‘we are here’ at all costs, and being able to exist in the public sphere without compromising our own truth is our greatest responsibility towards those we have lost.”

Erkaradağ, however, underlined another point. Erkaradağ, commenting on the inequality within the queer literature field itself, stated that a “gay male poet” can have the chance to be visible in the mainstream, appear on television, and even become “mainstream” to some extent, but queer female poets who refuse to enter the male-dominated environment cannot achieve the same visibility in Turkey.

Images of identity in poetry

Both poets explained that they wove their identities into imagery in their poetry.

Erkaradağ stated that she did not use a recurring, fixed symbol in her poetry, but occasionally incorporated fantastic elements from her reading of fantasy/science fiction, while for Avşar, the central image was “the house.”

Avşar took Bachelard’s idea of ​​the house as “the dwelling place of the soul” and, moving beyond a heteronormative, fixed structure, defined it as “a house with bendable walls, doors open to uncertainty, constantly being rebuilt.” She also defined the motifs accompanying this image—body, water, shell, shadow, echo, and threshold—as parts of the same fluid existence.

Poems from each poet: “Parla” and “Anneannem öldü”

Erkaradağ shared her poem titled “Parla,” stating that her own experiences found political meaning in the poem and that it carries a fantastic theme.

Parla

ürkütücü söylemsel, dönüştürücü bir an

Sihirbaz büyülendiğinde Tek Boynuzlu At nasıl lanetlenir

ruhaniliğime asla karşı konulamaz, komplona inandığın gibi

bu gece son denemen olacak

bu kahramanca taç, garip, ben ufuk

vizyonunu genişlet biraz,

bıçak bulundu !

devlerle dost karahindiba

Krallıklar örgüye döndüğünde

yaprakların ruhu mu satılan yoksa Ejderhalar mı?

sorgularsanız Goblininiz çıkar

biri bu hikâyeleri anlatacak, kırmızı elma pembe değil

aşağıda halsiz titreme

ezici çoğunluk çiçek kocasının altında

ben postu korurum, genellikle barış daha derindir

görev değil ama korkunç bir şekilde, düşen çığlığı bilir

onların öpüşmesi yarığa geliyor

dramatik inançlar, felaket aroması

bu büyüleyici kar

şarkı söylemek geriye dönük

günahlarım büyülendi.

Avşar shared her poem titled “Anneannem öldü,” expressing its meaning for her as follows:

“This poem is not just a lament for my grandmother, but a story of one woman helping another, of that unyielding female solidarity where even absence transforms into presence. It is the poem of all women whose grandmothers have died, who hear their mothers’ silence, who understand through their aunts’ eyes, who touch their sisters’ wounds, because we are women wounded by the paper cut of the past, but who have given birth to our own language, our own refuge, and our own truth from that wound. My grandmother died, but she is always present because the secret knowledge she whispered continues to live on in these lines and everywhere we look into each other’s eyes. I always say, woman is woman’s homeland.”

Anneannem öldü


Bunun ne demek olduğunu
anneannesi ölen kadınlar anlar

Bana bi şeyler anlatırdı
anneannem gizli gizli
Gizli gizli anlatırdı
çünkü erkek doğmamıştı
ve bizim topraklarımızda
kadınların bi şeyler bilmesi ayıptı

Bizim dışımızdaki bütün sülale eşrafı erkekti sanki
sanki bilgiye bi biz vakıftık
Anneannem bana bilgiyi aramanın
bilginin kendisinden daha önemli olduğunu anlattı

Öldükten sonra da bana bi şeyler anlattı anneannem
Mezar taşına yazdı
ben taştan okudum
yokluğun doldurulabildiğini
gözün geleceği görebildiğini
geçmişin kağıt kesiği olduğunu
erkekleri anlayamamayı
anlamayı başka şeyleri
kadınları sevmeyi
aşk üzerine konuşulmaması gerektiğini
konuşunca porçöz görmüş kireç gibi cozurdayıp
yok olacağını anlattı

Kuzuların kuru üzüm sevdiğini
Sinamekinin bağırsaklara iyi geldiğini
Seçmeyi en güzel karpuzu
Nevresimi ütülü gibi katlamayı
Resimde zıt renklerin bir arada kullanılması gerektiğini

Anneannem anlatmadı kendini
nerede doğduğunu nerede öldüğünü neden öldüğünü

Anneannem bi vardı bi yoktu
Benim anneannem öldü
bunun ne demek olduğunu
anneannesi ölen
kadınlar anlar

Hep vardı anneannem öldü ama hep vardı
bunda tuhaf bi yan vardı

First harvest at the Women's Commune Urban Gardens

“Women must be directly involved in production”

The first harvest has taken place at the Women’s Commune Urban Gardens, launched by the municipality in Diyarbakır. Zozan Halil Müslüm, one of the women growing produce in the gardens, and Özden Gürbüz Sümer, Head of the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality’s Department of Women’s Policies, spoke about their experiences.

Photos: Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality

The first harvest at the Women’s Commune Urban Gardens, launched by Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality, took place last week. Women gathered the vegetables and plants they had grown.

Established under the leadership of the Directorate for Strengthening the Women’s Economy, which operates within the Department of Women’s Policies, the gardens aim to strengthen the women’s economy, preserve local seed varieties, and promote ecological production.

The gardens are located on the grounds of the Directorate of Rural Services, in the Talaytepe neighborhood of Kayapınar district.

We spoke with Zozan Halil Müslüm, one of the women growing produce in the gardens, and Özden Gürbüz Sümer, Head of the Department of Women’s Policies, about the Women’s Commune Urban Gardens.

“The city of women needs to grow stronger”

Zozan Halil Müslüm began by saying: “I learned about the Women’s Life Centers and the support offered there. I saw that it wasn’t just about the garden — there were also activities like sports and self-defense. As I got to know the other women, I came to feel that the city of women, and our presence as women, needed to come forward and grow stronger. That’s why I joined the Women’s Commune Urban Garden.”

Müslüm said that together they had planted peppers, eggplants, tomatoes, cucumbers, gherkins, and okra, as well as “medicinal plants” such as thyme, lavender, mint, and rosemary. She said that as women, they were meeting their vegetable needs in a natural and fresh way, and that they took the produce home with them.

“We pickle it, we dry it, and we use it fresh in our cooking. We’re also able to make products like oils and creams from the medicinal plants,” said Müslüm, adding that what happens in the gardens isn’t just about growing and harvesting produce.

“At the same time, we’re learning to respect each other’s ideas and decisions, and to make decisions together. As women, we’re strengthening our own will. Because we’re learning, together, how to live communally. Society has drifted away from its own essence, and people have become increasingly individualistic. As women, we’ll do whatever it takes to help society return to its essence.”

Müslüm closed by saying that opening spaces like this one is essential, that she feels lucky to be part of such a project, and that she always wants to be involved in this kind of work.

“We’re building a shared space of production”

Özden Gürbüz Sümer, Head of the Department of Women’s Policies, said that as a local government with a democratic and women’s-liberationist perspective, they do not see the city merely as a collection of buildings, roads, and the services tied to them. How the city is governed, how it is reproduced, where its food comes from, and women’s place within that process of production all matter to them as well. Sümer said the Women’s Commune Urban Garden is part of that broader approach:

“We wanted to create a space where women could rebuild their relationship with the land, with production, and with their own labor. What matters to us here isn’t just growing vegetables. It’s creating a space where shared production, shared decision-making, and shared distribution are possible.”

Sümer said the garden does not operate through individual plots — the space is held in common, and production is carried out collectively. She explained that women work together at every stage, from planting to tending to harvesting, and make decisions about production together as well:

“We’re building a model where no individual woman owns a particular plot or a particular crop — where what’s produced is treated as collective output. Because of that, the garden itself becomes a space where the experience of producing and deciding together actually happens.”

Sümer said the priority is for what’s grown to go first toward meeting the needs of the women and their households, and that preparations are also underway to set up a market space where any surplus, or produce the women wish to sell, can be offered. “This way, women will be able to sell what they’ve grown directly, in this space. The goal here is to create a setting where women can determine the value of their own produce themselves, and actually be compensated for their labor,” she said.

“We don’t approach production here with individual profit at the center. Our priority is sustaining collective production and making sure the value it generates feeds back into further production. At the same time, it matters that there’s a space where women can choose, of their own will, to sell any surplus they produce. So we want to do both — preserve the ethic of shared production and distribution, while also creating opportunities for women to benefit economically from what they grow.”

“Women must be directly involved in production”

Sümer said their aim is to create a space where women don’t just take part in production, but have a say at every stage of it.

“Especially in agriculture, women are present as labor — in the fields, or in processing the crop — but they’re almost entirely absent from decision-making, from selling the product, and from earning income directly from it. In other words, there’s a very serious exploitation of women’s labor happening in this sector. Making women’s labor visible matters in that sense, but we’re not limiting ourselves to that. We want women directly involved in production knowledge, in the land itself, and in the economic process. With that perspective, in the commune urban garden, women are learning agricultural technique on one hand, while experiencing commune economics — both in theory and in practice — on the other. They’re also taking part in collective training workshops that build awareness around gender equality, as a way of strengthening themselves individually.”

“We’ll keep developing our commune work”

Asked what the process of running the garden has shown them, Sümer said:

“The process has shown us that women have a genuine, strong interest in producing collectively. As they worked together in the garden, we saw women sharing their own experience and production knowledge with one another. That’s why we don’t see the garden as a finished project, we see it as a space we keep developing through producing and experiencing it together.”

She said that as coverage of the garden has spread, they’ve begun receiving a great deal of interest and response from people living in the city — including people who want to join the work, come see the garden, or buy the natural produce being grown there.

Sümer said they see this interest as significant, because it points to a strong, existing appetite in the city for local production and natural food. She said they plan to open the space to visitors before long, so that residents can see the garden firsthand, learn about the production process, and witness the women’s experience of collective production up close.

Sümer said the seedlings planted in the gardens are grown from local seed varieties prepared by the Metropolitan Municipality’s Directorate of Rural Services, meaning that protecting local seed stock and bringing it back into production has been part of the garden’s process from the very beginning.

She closed with the following:

“What we’ve learned from the garden will feed directly into our future work. In fact, the production work we run at our Women’s Life Centers already follows this same approach. We have textile production groups, a medicinal and aromatic plants production group, and epoxy and recycling production groups. In all of these, we run things the same way — women producing together, deciding together on the production process, and evaluating what comes out of it through a shared, collective understanding. The garden is this same approach applied to a different field of production. Going forward, we’ll keep developing commune-based work built on women’s own labor and knowledge, grounded in shared production and shared distribution.”

Taliban's fifth year brings new law

In Afghanistan, men are now officially women’s “rulers”

Afghanistan’s Taliban government, now five years in power, has issued a new law declaring obedience to its leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, mandatory and vesting sole authority over decisions on jihad in him alone. The law defines men as women’s “rulers” and instructs women to “please” their husbands and thank them for the favors done for them.

Photo: AWNA

The Taliban’s Ministry of Justice published the new law, titled “Nisab-e Muballighin” (Curriculum for Preachers), on Sunday, August 16. Approved by Akhundzada and comprising six chapters, the document obligates men to ensure the women under their authority comply with the Taliban’s prescribed dress codes. It also defines men as women’s “rulers” and states that women must “please” their husbands.

In its August 16 announcement, the Ministry of Justice said the “Curriculum for Preachers” had taken effect — consisting of an introduction and six chapters — following Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada’s approval, and had been published in the official gazette.

The law addresses a wide range of subjects, from religious obligations and worship to jihad, obedience to the Taliban leader, marriage, women’s rights, and the hijab.

Provisions on marriage and women

In the section titled “The Rights of Husband and Wife,” women are instructed to obey their husbands “in matters pertaining to sharia.” The law defines the husband as the wife’s “ruler” and instructs women to “please” their husbands and thank them for the favors done for them. In return, husbands are obligated to provide for their wives’ food, clothing, and housing needs and to pay their dowries (mahr).

The law permits men to marry more than one woman, while stating that husbands must “treat their wives justly.”

In the section titled “Women’s General Rights,” it states that no one should oppress or coerce a woman. It notes that an adult woman’s consent is required for marriage, and that a woman must not be handed over to another family as “baad” to settle a dispute.

Baad refers to the practice of giving a woman or girl to another family as compensation for a dispute or crime.

Under the law, a widow is not obligated to marry her deceased husband’s brother. It states that a widow retains the right to receive a dowry from any subsequent husband she marries, and that a woman has inheritance rights over the property of her husband, children, father, and other relatives.

In the curriculum’s section on “veiling and the hijab,” men are made responsible for ensuring that the women under their authority comply with the Taliban’s dress requirements in the presence of men outside the family.

Promoting jihad and obedience

Jihad is one of the central themes of the new curriculum, used here in the sense of religious struggle or armed religious war.

Taliban religious officials are instructed to teach the public the definition, purpose, and virtues of jihad, and to explain the qualities and conduct expected of a mujahid. Religious officials are also directed to encourage people to prepare for jihad and to support fighters.

The document describes being wounded or killed in jihad as a “virtue,” and instructs religious officials to encourage people toward “martyrdom.” The curriculum also calls for teaching the public religious obligations such as prayer, fasting, ablution, ritual bathing, pilgrimage, zakat, and ushr. It also calls for warning people about the punishments they may face for failing to fulfill certain religious duties.

The law makes obedience to the Taliban’s supreme leader mandatory. The document states that obedience to the emir is required “even if he is not a righteous person.” It states that authority over matters related to jihad belongs to the leader, defined as the “Imam (Commander of the Faithful),” and that no one may act on such matters without consulting the emir and obtaining his approval.

Osmany: “Afghan women are prepared to pay the highest price”

The Taliban’s record on women’s rights

This new regulation comes as the Taliban marks the fifth anniversary of its return to power. Numerous human rights organizations and the United Nations have called on the Taliban to lift restrictions on women and girls and to respect their rights.

Restrictions imposed by the Taliban on women’s and girls’ education and employment, limits on media freedom, and strict social regulations are counted among the outcomes of the Taliban’s five years in power. Women in particular have been largely barred from access to secondary and higher education. Women also face severe restrictions on participation in employment and public life. These practices have drawn extensive criticism both within Afghanistan and internationally.

The Taliban has previously issued numerous laws and decrees targeting many areas of women’s private and social lives. The “Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice,” approved and published in the official gazette in 2024, introduced sweeping regulations on women’s clothing, presence in public spaces, voices, freedom of movement, and the requirement of a male chaperone (mahram). The law also granted various powers to morality police officers to intervene against behavior deemed “vice.”

In 2026, the “Regulation on the Separation of Spouses” also came to the fore. Taliban officials stated that the document was prepared to guide judges handling family disputes and requests for separation. The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) raised concerns over some of the document’s possible implications, including regarding child marriage and women’s consent in marriage.

In addition, the Taliban’s “Criminal Procedure Code for Taliban Courts,” sent for implementation within the judicial system, has also drawn criticism from human rights organizations. These organizations have flagged concerns in the document regarding arbitrary punishments, violations of fundamental freedoms, and the right to a fair trial.

Restrictions on women under Taliban rule: A 2021–2026 timeline

The Taliban, who seized power in August 2021, have since issued dozens of decrees targeting women and girls. Not a single one has been reversed.

2021

August 2021

Co-education was banned, and male teachers were barred from teaching girls. Girls’ return to secondary school was effectively blocked.

September 2021

The Ministry of Women’s Affairs was abolished and replaced by the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. Women with jobs were ordered to stay home “until further notice.”

December 2021

Women were banned from traveling more than 72 km without a mahram (male guardian). Public transport operators were made responsible for enforcing the directive.

2022

March 2022

Women were banned from traveling abroad without a mahram. Girls’ schools, reopened only hours earlier, were shut again, with a firm ban imposed on girls in 7th grade and above.

May 2022

Women were required to wear a burqa covering the entire body except the eyes when in public. Use of public transport without a mahram was banned, and issuance of driving licenses to women was halted.

July 2022

Female employees were told to send a male relative to work in their place in order to keep receiving a salary. Female flight attendants were dismissed.

August 2022

A morality police force targeting women was established. Gender segregation in universities was formalized, and female students were ordered to cover their faces on campus.

November 2022

Women were banned from entering public gyms, bathhouses, parks, and amusement parks.

December 2022

Women were completely banned from attending university. Female staff at international and local NGOs were dismissed, with organizations warned their licenses would be revoked otherwise. In response, several international aid organizations, including Save the Children, the Norwegian Refugee Council, and CARE, suspended their operations.

2023

March 2023

Thousands of divorces granted by courts under the former republic were declared invalid.

April 2023

Afghan women working for UN agencies were banned from their jobs. In Herat, women and families were barred from restaurants with gardens or open-air seating.

July 2023

Beauty salons were shut down nationwide, costing thousands of women their livelihoods.

October 2023

Schools in Kandahar were notified in writing that the burqa was now the only acceptable form of covering.

2024

March 2024

Taliban leader Akhundzada announced that the public stoning of women would be reinstated.

August 2024

The “Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice” (35 articles) came into force. It formalized all existing restrictions and barred women’s voices from being audibly heard in public in the presence of “non-mahram” men. Women and men were banned from looking at one another. The ministry was granted powers to detain and punish without judicial oversight.

December 2024

Women were banned from studying nursing and midwifery. Universities were instructed in writing to dismiss all female administrative staff.

2025

January 2025

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Taliban leader Akhundzada and Chief Justice Haqqani on charges of crimes against humanity.

November 2025

Afghan women were completely banned from working for UN agencies. On the Iranian border, female doctors and midwives were barred from treating patients over the wearing of headscarves.

2026

January 2026

A new Criminal Procedure Regulation took effect, containing provisions that legitimize husbands beating their wives, provided it does not break bones or leave open wounds. The regulation consists of three parts, ten headings, and 119 articles. Notably using the term “golam” (slave), it legalizes violence against women and children.

May 2026

Under Justice Ministry Decree No. 18, a girl’s silence at her marriage ceremony was made to count as consent once she has reached puberty. The new penal code made it a crime for a woman to visit relatives without her husband’s permission.

June 2026

In Laghman and Nangarhar provinces, shopkeepers were told not to sell to women shopping without a mahram, or face having their shops closed and being arrested themselves.

Note: According to UN Women data, not a single decree issued since August 2021 has been reversed. This timeline was compiled from UN Women, Human Rights Watch, Wikipedia, and Hasht-e Subh (8am.media).

Resource: AWNA, KabulNow

Rap against oppression: Five women rappers in Afghanistan

Saçak Collective: “You cannot erase us from the streets”

While sex workers and trans women in Taksim are frequently subjected to attacks, threats and harassment against their identities, Saçak Collective, the solidarity network of trans sex worker women, responded to this situation with a statement published on their social media accounts.

Saçak Collective, which defends the rights and solidarity of trans sex workers, issued a strong written statement against the recent violence, harassment and threats against trans women and sex workers in the Taksim area. Addressing the public through social media channels, the collective reiterated their demand: “Attacks, threats and harassment against sex worker women and trans women in Taksim must end!”

“Sex work is not a crime”

In the statement, it was pointed out that trans women and sex workers are targeted because of their identities and labor. It was stated that the targeting and rhetoric such as “We will erase you from here” was not a personal outburst of anger, but rather a clear threat of violence aimed at completely eradicating marginalized groups from the public sphere.

The collective reminded that their existence, sex work and taking part in public sphere cannot be criminalized in any way and gave the following message:

“We were on these streets yesterday and we are on these streets today. We will not be silent against any power that tries to make us invisible, to expel us from the streets, to scare and isolate us. Sex work is not a crime. Being transgender is not a crime. Existing in the public sphere is not a crime. The actual crime is attacking, threatening, harassing women and trans women and trying to erase them from the streets through violence.”

“We will increase solidarity against violence”

Stating that the right to use the streets cannot be left to the initiative of anyone, the collective announced that they will not take threats for granted, they will not leave violence uncovered and they will not allow them to break the bond between women.

The statement concluded with the following decisive statements:

“You will not silence sex workers. You will not erase trans women from the streets. You will not be able to separate us from each other. We will not be afraid, we will not retreat, we will not shut up. We will increase solidarity and organization against violence in every area we are in, particularly Taksim.”

18 detained in 15 provinces in Gülistan Doku investigation

A new wave of operations targeting law enforcement officers has been carried out in the Gülistan Doku case. In a statement posted on his social media account, Akın Gürlek announced that 18 people had been detained in simultaneous operations conducted across 15 provinces.

Fotoğraf: Elif Tuna / csgorselarsiv.org

As part of the investigation into the disappearance of Munzur University student Gülistan Doku, who went missing on January 5, 2020, another detention operation took place on Monday (July 27). During the operation, 18 law enforcement personnel who had been involved in the investigation process were taken into custody.

Coordinated by the Erzurum and Dersim Chief Public Prosecutor’s Offices, teams from the Erzurum Provincial Gendarmerie Command carried out simultaneous raids in the early morning hours across 15 provinces: Nevşehir, Istanbul, Isparta, Bilecik, Bursa, Çanakkale, Ordu, Aydın, Diyarbakır, Kayseri, Ankara, Erzincan, Eskişehir, İzmir and Antalya. According to a statement made by Justice Minister Akın Gürlek on his X account, searches were conducted at 21 addresses, and 18 of the 19 suspects for whom detention orders had been issued were taken into custody.

Suspicion of misconduct and tampering with evidence

Analyses of testimonies, along with technical, digital and field work, produced findings indicating that some law enforcement personnel who had served in Dersim committed misconduct and tampered with evidence during the judicial process carried out after Doku’s disappearance.

Those detained include one deputy police chief, one police superintendent, one chief inspector, one inspector, one senior police officer, 10 police officers, one computer operator and three retired police officers.

In the investigation concerning allegations that Doku’s disappearance resulted in a murder, it was reported that indications suggesting evidence had been concealed by certain public officials were being examined in all their aspects.

Former Governor Sonel at Erzurum Courthouse

On the same day, former Dersim Governor Tuncay Sonel, who is currently in custody, along with his protection officer Şükrü Eroğlu and retired police officer Gökhan Ertok, were referred to the Erzurum Courthouse to have their statements taken in connection with new evidence.

Sonel, Eroğlu and Ertok, at Erzurum Courthouse

Following examinations conducted by the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, it was reported that correspondence between Sonel and Ertok, a dismissed police officer held in custody in the same case file, was being assessed within the scope of the offenses of “destroying, concealing or altering evidence of a crime,” “unlawfully obtaining personal data,” “deprivation of liberty,” “intentional injury,” “robbery” and “destroying or altering data in an information system.”

Gülistan Doku

What Happened?

Gülistan Doku, a second-year student in the Department of Child Development at Munzur University, disappeared on January 5, 2020, after leaving the dormitory where she was staying. Her family filed a missing person report with the Provincial Police Directorate the following day.

Camera footage reviews showed Doku boarding a minibus, but where she got off could not be determined.

After Gülistan Doku disappeared, searches were conducted for days in the Munzur River and in the Uzunçayır Dam Reservoir in Dersim, where her phone had last transmitted a signal. However, despite the reservoir being drained, no trace of Gülistan was found.

Zeinal Abakarov, Doku’s ex-boyfriend and the last person she had contact with, was detained in Antalya in 2022, two years after the incident, and was released under judicial control measures by the court to which he was brought.

June 2024: Ebru Cansu, appointed to the Tunceli Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office by a decree of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK), took up the case again. A special team was formed from JASAT, and approximately 700 hours of security camera footage and license plate recognition system records were re-examined.

2025: A secret witness statement that emerged reportedly said that Doku’s body had been moved more than once and accused the governor’s son of raping Gülistan Doku and killing her by shooting her.

April 14, 2026: Tuncay Sonel, then Governor of Tunceli, his son Mustafa Türkay Sonel, Doku’s ex-boyfriend Zeinal Abakarov and his mother and father, the mother and father of fugitive suspect Umut Altaş, dismissed police officer Gökhan Ertok, Sonel’s then-protection officer Şükrü Eroğlu, Provincial Special Administration employee Erdoğan Elaldı, and Munzur University officials responsible for the cameras, Savaş Gültürk and Süleyman Önal, were detained. Everyone except Gültürk and Önal was arrested. A red notice was issued for Umut Altaş, who was in the United States, and he was later apprehended and arrested there.

April 25, 2026: As part of the investigation, Dersim State Hospital IT staff B.Y. and Y.E. were detained.

July 21, 2026: Simultaneous operations were carried out in Elazığ, Malatya, Ankara, Istanbul and Dersim. A total of 15 people were detained, including three doctors, one nurse, one IT staff member, five data-entry personnel, former Governor Sonel’s wife Handan Sonel, IT company owner Mehmet Aca, who is believed to have tampered with Doku’s phone, one businessman and two village guards.

July 24: Among the suspects detained as part of the investigation, village guard Fatih Özmen was arrested, while Okan Yarıcı was released under judicial control.

July 25: Tuncay Sonel’s wife Handan Sonel and Mehmet Aca, the owner of the IT company, alleged to have tampered with Doku’s phone, were arrested, while village guard Yılmaz Arslan was released under judicial control.

Osmany: “Afghan women are prepared to pay the highest price”

Afghan women’s rights defender Laleh Osmany said the chanting of “Woman, Life, Freedom” during the protests in Herat reflects “a deep, transnational solidarity among women rooted in a shared cultural sphere, as well as their high awareness of their fundamental rights.”

Taliban crackdown on protest in Herat on June 9th, 2026. Photo: 8am Media

In Afghanistan, some residents from the Jibrail area of Herat Province held a protest rally on June 8th. The protests have raised over the ongoing arrests and harsh treatment of women by the Taliban’s Morality Police starting on June 6th. According to local resources, Taliban began to forcefully make women to wear Chadari or burqa and warning that those who do not wear will be imprisoned.

On June 11th, in a second wave of protests, the people of Herat gathered in front of the governor’s office to protest the acts of detention and violence against women, chanting “Death to the Dictator,” “Women, Life, Freedom,” and “Education, Work, Freedom.” Since June 8th, Taliban police had been trying to disperse the crowds by opening fire on the gathered people for days.

Murtaza, a 16-year-old Afghan youth, was wounded by two bullets to his leg during the Taliban police’s crackdown on the protests in Herat and passed away on June 16th. It was reported that at least 20 people were injured as a result of the Taliban police opening fire on the protesters.

Najibullah Ali, the Taliban’s police commander for security affairs in Herat, has announced on June 18th that so far more than 19 women – this number escalated to 30 according to local sources – have been detained by the Taliban’s forces for promoting virtue and preventing vice for what this group calls “failure to observe hijab.” He adds that the detention of women by the forces for promoting virtue and preventing vice in this province will continue.

Protests started in Herat after Taliban police beat women for “improper hijab”

Afghan women’s rights defender Laleh Osmany spoke about the wave of women-led protests in Herat and the systematic repression women face under Taliban rule.

Laleh Osmany

“A strategy to erase women from public life”

According to Osmany, violence, terror, arbitrary detention, and public humiliation of women — carried out under the pretext of “inappropriate hijab” or leaving home without a male guardian, or mahram — have become “a structural, daily policy enforced by the Taliban’s Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice and their intelligence agencies.” She noted that Taliban vice units, known as muhtasib, have set up numerous checkpoints across cities specifically to police women’s attire.

“In many cases, young women and girls are arrested without a male guardian present, brutally beaten with cables and whips, and released only after their families are forced to pay heavy ransoms or sign coercive pledges,” Osmany said. She described these practices as part of a calculated, larger campaign:

“These actions are a deliberate part of a broader strategy aimed at the complete eradication of women from the public sphere.”

“Woman, Life, Freedom” echoes through Herat

Osmany said the chanting of “Woman, Life, Freedom” during the Herat protests reflects “a deep, transnational solidarity among women rooted in a shared cultural sphere, as well as their high awareness of their fundamental rights.” She said the city’s history as a center of progressive civil movements: “Herat has historically been a cultural hub and a breeding ground for progressive civil movements in Afghanistan.”

Despite live gunfire, violence, and the threat of imprisonment, Osmany stated the protests demonstrated that women’s will to resist remains alive:

“These protests proved that despite brutal suppression, direct live fire, violence, and imprisonment, the will of women to resist remains alive. The protests in Herat sent a clear message to the world: the roots of Afghan women’s quest for freedom cannot be dried up by decrees of gender segregation and Taliban intimidation, and they are prepared to pay the highest price for their human dignity.”

Underground networks of resistance

Asked whether organized resistance persists despite the risks, Osmany confirmed that Afghan women have built extensive underground and overt networks, structured around three main pillars.

The first, she said, is citizen documentation: “Upon their release, detained women use pseudonyms to expose their experiences of torture and the Taliban’s inhumane treatment across social media and international news outlets.”

The second involves safe houses and underground schools: “Establishing secret home-based schools for girls deprived of education, alongside creating psychological and financial support circles for women who have lost their breadwinners.”

The third pillar, she said, is sustained civil mobilization: “Grassroots groups continuously issue statements and hold protests in closed indoor locations, raising their voices to UN human rights bodies to actively prevent the Taliban from gaining international legitimacy.”

Call from women’s organizations

Numerous calls to action continue to circulate on social media, organized by citizens of Afghanistan abroad, with protests planned in Berlin and many other places.

Members of the Justice-Seeking Women’s Movement, by launching a protest campaign and using the global distress symbol, have expressed concern over the increasing restrictions on women in Herat and urged the international community not to remain silent in the face of this situation on June 18th.

Members of this movement, through a campaign with the slogan “Afghan Women Are in Danger, Join This Campaign”, by darkening the map of Afghanistan on their faces and using the global distress symbol, have called for the international community’s immediate attention to the situation of women in the country.

Source: AWNA, 8AM Media

LGBTI+ journalists: “We’re the first target in the field”

Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik and freelance journalist İbrahim Türk spoke about what LGBTI+ journalists experience while doing their jobs in the field and beyond: “Even if I’m subjected to phobic attacks, I won’t give up reporting.”

Fotoğraf: pexel.com


Pride Month is a time when LGBTI+ experiences of violence and discrimination tied to their identities become more visible. Among those who make visible not only Pride-related issues but social events of all kinds throughout the year are LGBTI+ journalists themselves.

While journalists in Turkey already face economic insecurity, police violence, censorship and unemployment, LGBTI+ journalists confront an additional layer of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. A concrete example of this came last February, when Yıldız Tar, editor-in-chief of Kaos GL—Turkey’s oldest and largest LGBTI+ news platform—and a prominent LGBTI+ rights advocate, was detained. In the field, LGBTI+ journalists often become targets for police while reporting, sometimes become “invisible” in job applications and are forced to conceal their identities for safety reasons.

Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik and freelance journalist İbrahim Türk spoke to Niha+ about the discrimination they face in the field and what they expect from professional organizations.

Çelik: “LGBTI+ journalists face ‘compounded discrimination’”

Journalist Yusuf Çelik said that while all journalists already face economic and professional difficulties, queer journalists experience “compounded discrimination” in the field. Çelik said they have faced discriminatory attitudes from police, older male colleagues, and news sources, describing many moments in which they felt rendered invisible.

Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik

Noting that police violence is a shared problem for all journalists, Çelik said the consequences can be more severe for LGBTI+ journalists. “If there’s going to be violence, if there’s going to be an intervention, it’s us, LGBTI+ and women journalists, who are targeted first” they said.

Recalling the “Gezi” commemoration held in Taksim on May 31, 2026, Çelik said a police officer directly singled them out. “There were many journalists there, but the police grabbed my arm and tried to remove me. My colleagues intervened, asking, ‘Why are you touching a journalist?’” they said.

Çelik also said that during their detention in Dersim on July 25, 2025, they faced pressure specifically because of their queer identity, recalling that police made remarks implying they should stop doing this kind of reporting. “There was essentially a push to recruit me as an informant—comments like, ‘Why don’t you just stay out of this? Why don’t you stop doing these kinds of stories?’” they said.

Referring to a detention they experienced on May 1, 2026, Çelik said:

“There was no real justification—the protest had already dispersed—but I was told, ‘Turn off your camera, we’re taking you in,’ and detained. I can’t explain this through journalism alone, because I face things my colleagues don’t, and I think this is deeply tied to my queer identity. On top of that, when we’re detained and can’t work in the field, we go home that day having earned nothing, which puts us under economic strain too. We face a whole series of violations and difficulties like this.”

“There are unspoken ‘buts’”

Çelik have also struggled to find work because of their identity, noting that they have been unemployed for about six to seven months:

“During my job search, even though I spoke with some institutions and journalists, the process went nowhere because of unspoken ‘buts.’ They like my journalism, they know and appreciate the work I do in the field. But I need work, and during the hiring process everyone takes a step back. There are unspoken ‘buts’ there. ‘But you’re a queer journalist,’ ‘but you’re an activist,’ ‘but you can’t separate journalism from being queer’… Even when these things aren’t said out loud, I can feel those ‘buts.’ There’s no other explanation for why someone who is normally out in the field, following the news, and voluntarily sharing their work with institutions would remain unemployed for this long.”

“Even if I face phobia, I won’t give up reporting”

Çelik said that while they haven’t faced direct censorship in covering LGBTI+ news, they have often been kept away from certain assignments. They said they haven’t been assigned to out-of-town stories or coverage of workers’ strikes, with the reasoning usually framed around concerns that “something might happen to them”:

“I’m told, ‘If you go, you’ll face phobic attacks, it’ll be hard for you.’ But the person saying that is, in that moment, actually subjecting me to phobia themselves. Even though I carry an activist identity, when I go out into the field, I go out as Yusuf the journalist. Being LGBTI+ comes after that. This isn’t the first time I’ve been out in the field, and it won’t be the last. I might face hostility from a crowd—that’s understandable, because women journalists experience this too. They don’t give up reporting. Neither will I.”

Çelik also noted that women and LGBTI+ journalists are often not assigned stories like economic news, and said they end up being treated as if they’re not capable—which is part of why they continue working as an independent journalist.

According to Çelik, the discrimination starts the moment they leave the house:

“Everything—how I dress, how I walk, how I talk—gets assigned a gender. Sometimes I’m ‘the LGBTI+ journalist,’ sometimes slurs get used. Some police officers single me out, asking things like ‘isn’t that the gay journalist?’” Çelik also said they regularly face online harassment campaigns, and that in particular, following certain stories, they have been targeted with HIV-related smears. “We have to fight this on the street, at home, and on social media, all at once.”

“We don’t have strong structures to organize through”

Çelik said there are serious gaps in solidarity networks among LGBTI+ journalists. While some of these issues have been discussed at meetings held in Ankara, they said this has not translated into lasting organization.

Assessing the work of professional associations and unions, Çelik said independent and freelance journalists in particular face serious barriers to accessing union rights:

“I’m currently unemployed, and since I don’t have social security registration, I can’t directly join a union. I can’t organize. Independent and freelance journalists can’t access union rights, and they can’t even get through the union’s door. The first thing we need to do is strengthen LGBTI+ journalists in the field. Strengthen journalists in the field.”

Çelik said unions could offer workshops and protective equipment support tailored to LGBTI+ journalists, adding: “LGBTI+ people are a reality now. We’re more visible than yesterday, and we’ll be even more visible tomorrow. At this point, institutions and unions need to transform themselves too.”

“We have to tell our own stories”

Addressing young LGBTI+ people entering journalism, Çelik encouraged them to stay in the field as much as possible and keep producing stories.

“If there’s an LGBTI+ story, let a queer journalist cover it first—because they understand the issue best,” Çelik said, adding that the discrimination young journalists will face shouldn’t push them away from the profession.

Çelik concluded:

“My journalism has been questioned, and it still is. You have to fight that. You do more work. The more work you do, the more those who try to erase you will be forced to back down. Just as we as LGBTI+ journalists carry our struggle into every part of life, we have to carry it into our profession too. The phobia may never end—but neither will the struggle.”

Türk: “In some stories, I have to hide my identity”

Freelance journalist İbrahim Türk, based in Ankara, said they began their journalism career in 2021 as a photojournalist and now work for various national and international media organizations.

Freelance journalist İbrahim Türk

Türk said they take a somewhat distanced view of the constant pairing of journalism with sexual identity: “I’m a journalist and I’m queer. Journalism is a job, being queer is an identity. The fact that these two are constantly mentioned together feels a bit strange to me.”

Türk said one of the biggest challenges they face in the field is having to hide their queer identity during certain assignments for their own protection. They said they feel especially uneasy at events organized by Islamist and radical right-wing groups, and that they use different methods to ensure their safety while reporting in such settings.

“When talking to people, you sometimes have to say you work for Anadolu Ajansı so you don’t get beaten up—because some of our friends have been beaten. You have to make sure you’re not wearing anything in rainbow colors. You try to approach people as neutrally as possible so you can get unbiased responses.”

Türk said this isn’t always a disadvantage, however—in left-wing and democratic circles, their queer identity can actually make communication easier. “In left-wing circles, sometimes all doors open. People communicate more freely, and trust can build faster.”

“I met every requirement, but I wasn’t hired”

While Türk said they have never directly been told “don’t cover this story” or “don’t do this job,” they believe their identity may have been a factor in some job applications and at some organizations where they’ve worked. They said they haven’t faced such problems at the organizations they currently work with.

Türk said that during a period of unemployment, they applied to several media outlets but never heard back. “I met every requirement, but I wasn’t accepted,” they said.

“I was attacked by the police”

Türk said they have also experienced physical violence in the field, recalling one incident during the protests against the 11th Judicial Package.

Describing what happened during the protests, Türk said: “I was choked by police officers. A trans woman saved me—if she hadn’t intervened, it could have ended much worse.”

Türk said the police generally recognize them, yet they were still subjected to violence: “There was no chance they didn’t know who I was. And they attacked me anyway.”

“First, we need to learn to protect each other”

Türk said they find the work professional associations and unions have done for LGBTI+ journalists insufficient. While they said they’re aware of some union-led initiatives, they argued that there still isn’t enough contact with journalists actually working in the field.

Türk said that to address the problems LGBTI+ journalists face, solidarity networks need to be strengthened—and that this starts with journalists supporting one another:

“We need to support more queer journalists, there need to be more queer journalists. We don’t support each other. What we actually need to do first is look out for ourselves. We need to learn to protect each other first. If we did that, we wouldn’t even need any organization—or we’d be in a position to tell organizations what they need to do. But right now, both the organizations and the journalists themselves are preoccupied with how to get more funding, how to grow, so nobody really cares.”

“Journalism is journalism”

Türk said they feel journalism is increasingly being defined by an excessive number of labels:

“Journalism is journalism. Labels like ‘opposition journalism’ or ‘queer journalism’ don’t really sit right with me. Of course our identities shape how we see the world. But we can’t explain everything we do solely through that lens. First and foremost, I’m a journalist. Yes, at some point my identity affects what I write or which stories I look at. But not in every story I do.”

After the AKP declared 2025 the “Year of the Family,” provisions directly targeting LGBTI+ people emerged in the draft 10th and 11th Judicial Packages expected to be submitted to Turkey’s Parliament (TBMM) in 2025. Numerous media organizations and professional associations issued a statement in 2025 regarding the 11th Judicial Package, which sought to criminalize reporting on LGBTI+ issues. The statement read as follows:

Journalists reporting LGBTQ+ issues risk criminalisation: Withdraw the proposed law!

The draft of the 11th Judicial Package was shared with the members of the press last week and is expected to be submitted to Parliament in the coming days. Under the heading “Obscene acts,” the draft introduces a so-called “Turkish-style ban on homosexual propaganda.” It stipulates prison sentences of up to three years for any behaviour or attitude that is “contrary to one’s biological sex and public morality,” as well as for praising, promoting, or encouraging such behaviour. In its current form, the proposal is even broader and more vague than Russia’s 2013 “gay propaganda ban,” posing a grave threat to freedom of expression and press freedom in Turkey.

If enacted, this regulation would restrict LGBTQ+ people of their right to access and share information central to their lives.. Journalists reporting on LGBTQ+ issues such as human rights violations, sexual health, Pride marches etc. risk criminal prosecution on the grounds of “promotion.”

Since 2025 was declared the “Year of the Family,” numerous violations have occurred targeting LGBTQ+ journalism in Turkey. In February, Yıldız Tar — Editor-in-Chief of KAOS GL, the country’s largest and oldest LGBTQ+ news platform, and a prominent LGBTQ+ rights advocate — was arrested.

In June, the KAOS GL news website and its social media accounts were blocked for allegedly “publicly inciting to commit crimes.” That same month, journalists covering the LGBTQ+ Pride March in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district were detained and later prosecuted.

T24 correspondent Can Öztürk was questioned by prosecutors after publishing a story about sexual harassment allegations against an academic who claimed to offer “conversion therapy” to LGBTQ+ children. The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) also fined streaming platforms such as Netflix for hosting LGBTQ+ content.

Following all these violations, the inclusion of the proposed provision in the 11th Judicial Package would escalate rights violations even further and criminalize the already difficult task of reporting on LGBTQ+ issues. Moreover, vague terms such as “contrary to one’s biological sex” or “contrary to public morality” would allow arbitrary interference with the press and civil society.

This proposal would not only target LGBTQ+ individuals but also place journalists reporting on LGBTQ+ issues and related rights violations under threat of criminal punishment.

For all these reasons, as the undersigned press and freedom of expression organizations, we urgently call for the immediate removal of this provision from the 11th Judicial Package.

Signed by:

  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Dicle Fırat Journalism Association
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • DİSK Basın-İş
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Progressive Journalists Association (ÇGD)
  • Journalists’ Union of Turkey (TGS)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • PEN International
  • Foreign Media Association Turkey
  • PEN Norway
  • Media and Migration Association (MMA)
  • Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN)
  • Norwegian Helsinki Committee

Foggo: “Alimony is vital support for mother and child”

Hacer Foggo, founder of the Deep Poverty Network (Derin Yoksulluk Ağı), who responded to the Constitutional Court’s annulment of the provision allowing a divorced spouse to claim poverty alimony “indefinitely” on grounds of unconstitutionality, reminded the public that single mothers living in deep poverty are already working in irregular and uninsured jobs.

Photo: Serra Akcan / csgorselarsiv.org

The Constitutional Court (CC) in Turkey annulled the provision in Article 175 of the Civil Code allowing a divorced spouse to claim poverty alimony “indefinitely,” ruling it unconstitutional. The CC General Assembly decided to grant the Grand National Assembly of Turkey nine months to enact the necessary legislation.

The Antalya 12th Family Court had applied to the Constitutional Court in 2025 seeking the annulment of the phrase “indefinitely” in the provision on poverty alimony under Article 175 of Turkish Civil Code No. 4721. The high court issued this ruling upon the application of the local court.

Following the annulment ruling, it was reported in the press that the draft on the AKP’s table plans to take the duration of marriage as the basis. Accordingly, those married for 3 years would receive alimony for 5 years, those married for 5 years for 7 years, and those married for 10 years for 12 years.

Hacer Foggo, founder of the Deep Poverty Network (DPN), who shared her assessment with Niha+, underlined the hunger, debt, school dropout, and housing risks that emerge in households when alimony is cut or not paid.

Hacer Foggo: “Alimony is insufficient but vital support”

Photo: Hacer Foggo

Foggo emphasized how vital alimony is for women and stated that the public perception created, that “women receive alimony in high amounts” does not correspond to the reality in the field:

“A significant portion of the single mothers living in deep poverty whom we support in the field, particularly those working in daily precarious jobs, either receive very low amounts of alimony or cannot regularly collect the alimony that has been ruled. The 2024 Poverty Alimony Monitoring Report of the Women’s Solidarity Foundation also shows that, among the files examined, the average poverty alimony was 1,179.40 TL. It is impossible for this amount to suffice for a woman living alone. What we see in the field is this: alimony is not a welfare tool for women — it is a support that is most often vital yet insufficient for rent, bills, food, children’s school meals, transportation, medicine, fuel, and a safe life. Women living in deep poverty are already trying to survive through daily, irregular, and precarious work.”

The 2019 “Poverty Alimony Research” report of the Women’s Solidarity Foundation had recorded that only 20.7 percent of alimony rulings were paid by those obligated to pay, while 50.7 percent were never paid at all.

The foundation’s 2024 “Poverty Alimony Research” report stated that while the proportion of men with no income was 7 percent, the proportion of women with no income was 47 percent. Accordingly, while 80 percent of men work at or above the minimum wage, this figure stands at only 46 percent for women.

“The structural inequalities women face are being ignored”

Responding to the argument that making alimony time-limited is justified with the claim “Women should work too” which has been asserted in public debate, Foggo stated that this argument ignores the structural inequalities women face. Foggo said that single mothers living in deep poverty are already working, such as going to do daily cleaning, doing piecework, working in irregular and uninsured jobs, and underlined that these are not jobs that provide regular income, social security, or a dignified life.

Reminding that one of the biggest obstacles to women’s participation in the workforce is the burden of care, Foggo said: “If there are no free and accessible nurseries, if a woman cannot find a safe place to leave her child, it becomes practically impossible for her to work with a fixed income. Many women shoulder child care, school follow-up, hospital processes, housework, and the responsibility of livelihood entirely on their own. Ignoring these conditions means not knowing the conditions of deep poverty.”

“It becomes harder for women to escape violence”

According to Foggo, when alimony ends, a woman who has not yet established her economic independence faces even deeper poverty. Saying “For a woman who cannot find a free nursery to leave her child and cannot access regular and secure employment, the cutting of alimony means being unable to cover basic living expenses,” Foggo explained that this would place women in a more precarious and unhealthy situation:

“This situation may force women to accept lower-waged, uninsured, long-hour and unhealthy jobs. For some women, it may also increase the pressure to return to a home where they experience violence or to endure a violent relationship. Because the decision to divorce is not only a legal one, it is also an economic one. If a woman cannot find answers to the questions ‘where will I stay with my child, how will I pay the rent, how will I feed my child,’ it also becomes harder for her to escape violence.”

“Alimony also affects the child’s life”

Foggo, who stated that alimony directly affects not only the conditions of women but also those of children, argued that a decrease in a mother’s income produces consequences in every area, from a child’s nutrition to education, from access to health to housing.

Foggo emphasized that the removal of alimony security is one of the factors that could increase child labor, school dropout, malnutrition, and the risks of child marriage, and gave the following example: “In the field, we see that children drop out of school because their bus fare cannot be covered, that school meals cannot be prepared, that children are forced to look after younger siblings at home or work to bring income to the household.”

She said that such a decision should be addressed not only under the heading of alimony but together with women’s poverty, child poverty, care labor, and the right to escape violence:

“In our view, its effects in the field must be urgently monitored. At the same time, free and accessible nurseries must be expanded, regular social support must be provided to single mothers, secure employment opportunities must be increased, and effective public mechanisms must be operated in cases where alimony cannot be collected. Limiting alimony rights with a time limit without establishing social policies that will reduce women’s poverty is unacceptable. From our perspective, touching the right to alimony means touching the right to life of women and children living in deep poverty.”

DPN: “For single mothers, alimony is vital”

The Deep Poverty Network’s statement on the annulment of indefinite alimony is as follows:

Touching the Right to Alimony Means Touching Women’s and Children’s Right to Life

The Constitutional Court’s annulment of the phrase “indefinitely” concerning poverty alimony under Article 175 of the Turkish Civil Code is not merely a technical legal debate. This ruling cannot be evaluated independently of the living conditions of women in Turkey, particularly single mothers living in deep poverty, working in daily and precarious jobs.

Poverty alimony is not an unconditional, unlimited, and automatic privilege as it is presented to the public. It is subject to conditions such as not being at serious fault, falling into poverty due to divorce, and the continuation of need. When the need disappears, alimony can already be revoked. Despite this, presenting the right to alimony as a “lifelong burden” renders invisible the unpaid care labor women undertake within marriage, the impoverishment following divorce, and the economic conditions of escaping male violence. The Women’s Solidarity Foundation’s 2024 Poverty Alimony Monitoring Report shows that alimony amounts are not as high as publicly claimed, that the average poverty alimony in the files examined was 1,179.40 TL, and that a significant portion of ruled alimony cannot be collected. What we at the Deep Poverty Network see in the field is this: for single mothers, alimony is not a welfare tool, it is most often a vital threshold for rent, bills, food, school meals, transportation, wood, coal, medicine, and a “safe” life.

Single mothers living in deep poverty are on the one hand, shouldering the care of their children entirely on their own, while on the other hand trying to provide for the household through daily, irregular, low-wage, and precarious work. Single-parent households have no secure job, no regular income, and no free childcare support to safely leave their children. For this reason, limiting alimony with a time frame will, particularly for single mothers, produce the following consequences:

It will deepen the poverty of women and children. For a mother working in daily jobs, income is something that must be found anew each day; if there is no work that day, there is hunger, if the child is sick and there is no medicine. Limiting alimony will deepen poverty.
“Some days I don’t eat myself so my children can eat more. But how well can they be nourished on pasta? Some days there’s nothing at all, we all have to go hungry.”

It will make escaping violence harder. One of the biggest obstacles to women making the decision to divorce is economic insecurity. A woman who wants to leave a home where she experiences violence will be forced to think about where she will stay with her child, how she will pay the rent, how she will feed her child — and will continue to “endure” the violence.
“Due to the problems with my ex-husband, my life is still in danger. I can’t leave the house out of fear that he will kill me or harm my children. My son quit school and is doing daily work.”

It will leave the burden of care entirely on women’s shoulders. Child care, school follow-up, hospitals, housework, and livelihood are left simultaneously to the single mother’s responsibility. While free and accessible nurseries are not widespread, while flexible and secure employment is not provided, limiting the right to alimony will confine women to the home.
“Every day I work daily jobs too, I can’t even spend proper time with my children out of exhaustion. My eldest son left school, he’s looking after his younger siblings at home.”

It will strip children of their right to education, nutrition, and health. The alimony debate concerns not only the living conditions of women but of children too. The impoverishment of a single mother may mean a child dropping out of school, being malnourished, and being unable to access health services. “I couldn’t give my high school freshman son his bus fare, I had to pull him out of school.”

It will worsen the housing crisis. In single-parent households, rent, bills, and basic household expenses are among the most acute dimensions of poverty. Limiting the right to alimony will push women and their children into unsafe, unhealthy living conditions. “I can’t make ends meet — should I pack the child a meal every day, or pay my rent?”

It will allow economic violence to persist after divorce. Non-payment, delay of alimony, and forcing women to renounce alimony are forms of economic violence. It will make it easier for men who exercise economic violence to escape responsibility. Women will be forced to accept lower-waged, uninsured, long-hour, and unhealthy jobs.
“No matter how much I work it’s not enough. The employer always delays it. I can’t raise my voice. I have to live counting every penny… Believe me, I can’t even afford pads.”

Without developing social policies to reduce women’s poverty, without expanding free nurseries, without providing secure employment, without implementing equal pay for equal work, and without bringing care labor into life, limiting the right to alimony is unacceptable. The fact that in practice it is mostly women who benefit from this right stems from gender inequality. Poverty alimony is not a privilege granted to women — it is a social protection mechanism for the party that falls into poverty after divorce, and it is insufficient.

No regulation that ignores women’s poverty is just.
No policy that leaves the burden of childcare on the shoulders of single mothers is compatible with the principle of the social state.
No decision that weakens the economic security of women who want to escape violence can be considered independently of the right to life.

Touching the right to alimony means touching the lives of women and children living in deep poverty. We do not accept any regulation that will condemn women to poverty, violence, confinement to the home, and relationships of dependency.

Deep Poverty Network

Ecmel Deniz: “Our dignity cannot be packaged, our bodies belong to us!”

Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Collective, states that the anti-LGBTQ+ provisions proposed in the 12th Judicial Package are not a health policy but an attempt to assert power over bodies. They note that the draft in question targets not only the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but also “everyone’s right to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere.”

Photo: Yusuf Çelik / csgorselarsiv.org

Anti-LGBTQ+ legislation is back on the agenda in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). Provisions that were withdrawn from the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which passed through parliament in previous year, due to public pressure have now been included in the 12th Judicial Package.

According to behind-the-scenes information obtained by KaosGL.org, a briefing note regarding the 12th Judicial Package was sent to senior Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP / Justice and Development Party) lawmakers. It has been learned that the package, expected to be submitted to the TBMM in June, contains provisions targeting the LGBTQ+ community and raising the age of access to gender-affirming surgery for trans individuals to 25.

Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Kolektifi (Hormone Rights Collective), assessed for Niha+ these proposed regulations, expected to be included in the 12th Judicial Package.

Ecmel: “The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment”

According to Ecmel, this draft law constitutes an overt policy of hatred that targets trans people’s autonomy over their bodies, the trust-based relationship they establish with healthcare providers, their access to healthcare, and their most fundamental spheres of existence.

Recalling that the government has long sought to portray LGBTQ+ individuals as a “threat to the family,” “a threat to children,” “a threat to society,” and “a threat to public morality,” Ecmel stated that this policy has transformed trans people’s access to healthcare from a matter of rights into an issue of security, morality, and punishment:

“The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment. A person’s access to hormones, surgery, psychosocial support, or any other health service related to the gender affirmation process cannot be criminalized. This draft law aims to make trans people’s lives manageable, controllable, and punishable. The government is saying, ‘I decide what happens to your body, and if your doctor supports you, I’ll punish both of you.’ This is not health policy; it is an attempt to assert power over our bodies. That is why when we say ‘My Right to Hormones,’ we are not merely talking about access to a medication. We are talking about the right to make decisions about our own bodies, the right to access safe healthcare, the right to speak with a doctor without fear, and the right not to be treated as a criminal because of our identity.”

“They’re afraid of our power to organize”

Ecmel, noting that many rights would be violated if this bill passes through parliament, said that access to healthcare which is already difficult for trans people, would become even harder, and those seeking healthcare would be pushed toward more precarious and unregulated avenues:

“If the law is passed, the resulting human rights violations will be multifaceted. The right to health will be violated. Because people will not be able to safely access the services they need. The right to privacy will be violated. Because a person’s body, identity, health information, and life will be turned into objects of state surveillance. The right to equality will be violated. Because access to the same health services is surrounded by penalties and specific barriers when it comes to trans people. Freedom of expression and association will be violated. It fuels hatred in society. It sends the message to people that ‘these individuals are already guilty, already dangerous, already targets.’ This leads to more discrimination and violence on the streets, in schools, at home, in hospitals, at workplaces, and on social media.”

Emphasizing that the purpose of the proposed regulations is not merely to regulate a few medical procedures, but also to prevent trans people from trusting the healthcare system, doctors from acting in accordance with professional ethics, and institutions from opening their doors to trans clients, Ecmel stated that these draft laws were written based on the questions: “How can LGBTQ+ people become less visible, make fewer demands, and feel more afraid?”

Ecmel said, “Because they fear our organizational power; the LGBTQ+ movement is a movement that has managed to form a strong opposition bloc despite all this oppression”

“The government says, ‘We decide what happens to the body‘”

They stated that the government is pursuing its efforts to isolate the LGBTQ+ community, silence doctors, intimidate families, polarize society, and portray the struggle for rights as criminal in four distinct ways:

“First, it masks social crises with the rhetoric of a ‘moral crisis.’ While real issues like the economic crisis, poverty, the housing crisis, the collapse of the healthcare system, the lack of a future for young people, and the violence faced by women and children are out in the open, the LGBTQ+ community is presented as an artificial threat. In this way, the public’s anger is diverted from real problems and directed toward a vulnerable group.

Second, a uniform lifestyle is being imposed under the guise of the “family.” Strengthening the family truly means reducing poverty, preventing violence, supporting care work, ensuring children’s safety, and making it possible for everyone to live equally and with dignity. But the government uses the family not as a support mechanism, but as a tool to keep society in line. By portraying LGBTQ+ individuals as a threat to the family, the government both fuels a politics of hatred and imposes a “acceptable citizen,” “acceptable body,” “acceptable gender,” and “acceptable relationship” on society.

Third, a message is being sent to the entire society through trans bodies. It says, “We, not you, decide what happens to the body.” This message is not directed solely at trans people; it is aimed at women, young people, those living with HIV, people with disabilities, children, and everyone in need of healthcare. The government seeks to control society by controlling bodies.

Fourth, they are trying to criminalize advocacy. This draft targets not only the healthcare processes of trans people but also the visibility, organization, solidarity, and advocacy of the LGBTQ+ community. Because those in power know that people are more easily intimidated when left alone; but when there is solidarity, information, and organized resistance, these repressive policies fail.”

Ecmel, noting that the provisions in the draft legislation have concrete consequences for trans people, such as being turned away from hospitals, being unable to access hormones, struggling to find a doctor, facing humiliation, being forced to accept misinformation, becoming isolated due to family pressure, and being unable to make decisions about their own bodies, stressed the importance of making trans people’s real-life experiences visible.

“This issue cannot be left solely on the shoulders of trans people”

Stating that this law directly targets the right to one’s own body, Ecmel underscored that a person’s ability to make decisions about their own body is not a favor granted by the state. According to Ecmel, the government threatens not only trans people but everyone’s bodies by asserting, “Your body does not belong to you; it can only exist within the boundaries drawn by the state”:

“Once the government begins punishing people’s decisions regarding their bodies under vague justifications like ‘public morality,’ ‘family,’ or ‘protection of society,’ this threat does not stop at trans people. “Today, trans people’s right to hormone therapy is under attack; tomorrow, abortion, birth control, HIV treatment, young people’s access to healthcare, psychiatric support, reproductive health, or other bodily autonomy decisions could be targeted using the same logic. That is why this struggle is not just a struggle for trans people. It is, in fact, a struggle over the question, ‘Who gets to decide about my body?’”

Ecmel, who stated that it is not just the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but everyone’s rights to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere that are under attack, said, “This issue cannot be brushed aside by saying, ‘LGBT+ organizations will make a statement anyway.’” Ecmel listed what each sector must do as follows:

“Medical associations must declare: Medicine cannot be practiced under the threat of punishment. Political power and the threat of imprisonment cannot be introduced into the patient-doctor relationship.

Bar associations must state: Existence cannot be criminalized. Privacy, bodily integrity, equality, and freedom of expression cannot be eliminated through moralistic criminal provisions.

Women’s organizations, feminists, and those working in reproductive health must state: Attacks on bodily autonomy are not separate from one another. The logic targeting trans people’s right to hormones is the same as the logic regulating abortion, birth control, sexual health, and reproductive health.

Unions and professional organizations must state: This law also concerns the labor sector. Because the professional autonomy of healthcare workers, the safety of LGBTQ+ workers, the prohibition of discrimination in the workplace, and everyone’s right to a life of dignity are all part of this attack.

Human rights organizations and political parties must state the following: This draft law must not be brought before Parliament under any circumstances; if it is, it must be opposed through all democratic means. Because hate laws cannot be made “reasonable” through debate. One’s very existence is not up for negotiation.”

Stating that merely making a statement would not be enough and that support must be provided in many areas, Ecmel said: “Legal preparations must be made, informative materials in the field of health must be produced, solidarity hotlines for physicians and healthcare workers must be established, and secure channels where young trans individuals and families can access accurate information must be strengthened. Media language must be monitored, and rapid response mechanisms against hate speech must be set up. Local governments, counseling centers, non-governmental organizations, and professional chambers must work together.”

“We are not alone. Our pride cannot be packaged!”

Emphasizing that this hate law must be completely withdrawn without being added to any judicial package, Ecmel said: “We do not accept our lives being narrowed down a bit more, our bodies being monitored by the state, and our access to healthcare being criminalized with every new package.”

Concluding their words, Ecmel stated that one of the most important things in this process is to counter fear with solidarity:

“With these laws, the government is not only producing a threat of punishment, but also sending the message: ‘You are alone, no one will defend you, your doctor will be afraid, and your organization will be silenced.’ Our response to this must be collective, loud, and clear: We are not alone. We will not give up on each other. Our pride cannot be packaged. No to the hate law in the 12th Judicial Package! Our bodies belong to us. We will not give up on our right to health, our right to hormones, and our right to life.”

What had happened?

After the government declared 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” regulations directly targeting LGBTQ+ individuals in the drafts of the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which were expected to be submitted to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, came to the agenda.

The 10th Judicial Package was approved by the assembly Justice Commission in June 2025. Following this, the 11th Judicial Package was submitted to the assembly on November 27, 2025, and approved on December 25, 2025.

According to the articles in these drafts submitted last year:

  • Under the scope of “indecent acts,” crimes of promotion or encouragement regarding LGBTQ+ individuals could be punished with imprisonment from one to three years.
  • Marriage and wedding ceremonies of same-sex individuals would also be punished with imprisonment.
  • Additionally, contents featuring LGBTQ+ individuals could be penalized or removed from broadcast by the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK).

One of the most critical regulations that stood out was raising the age for gender affirmation surgery for trans individuals from 18 to 25, and tightening the conditions for obtaining medical reports by exposing the relevant physicians to imprisonment and fines. For the gender transition process, the age limit was to be raised from 21 to 25.

However, public backlash created by LGBTQ+ organizations, feminists, and rights-oriented institutions prevented the articles in this draft from passing through parliament. This year, similar articles are back on the agenda.

“What Happened to Arya?” Initiative: “The dorm management is one of the perpetrators”

The “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative, established in memory of Arya, a transgender student who took her own life at the TOBB ETÜ dormitory, states that trans suicides are a consequence of systemic issues: “We repeat that the perpetrators of transgender deaths are the state, the family system, and a society in which the state’s transphobia is dominant.“

The “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative, founded by trans and LGBTQ+ activists, provided Niha+ with a statement regarding the death of Arya, a trans student who took her own life while living in a dormitory at TOBB ETÜ University.

Arya, a student at TOBB Economics and Technology University (TOBB ETÜ), took her own life on April 13, 2026, at the student dormitory where she was staying. Her friends and LGBTQ+ organizations had demanded an investigation into the incident, stating that Arya, a trans student, had been subjected to bullying and discrimination, and had brought her death to the attention of parliament.

Seren, a member of the initiative, states that trans suicides are not individual cases but a direct result of the state’s transphobic policies. Stating that they do not want another trans person to be driven to suicide and killed, nor for the state to cover it up, Seren explained that they established the “What Happened to Arya Initiative” in Arya’s name, bringing together all trans comrades who were not among them:

“We, as queer people and women, are filled with the need and desire to organize and fight against the cover-up of every single trans suicide or murder. Arya’s murder by being driven to suicide was another breaking point for us, just as it is every time we lose a trans friend.”

“The dorm management is one of the perpetrators”

According to Seren, a member of the initiative, Arya was subjected to severe pressure and harassment during her time at the dorm. Seren said, “Immediately after Arya’s suicide, and before the prosecutor’s office took action, TOBB ETÜ rummaged through and hastily gathered the belongings in the dorm room where Arya lived and sent them to her family. Naturally, this raises many questions in our minds. The answer these questions point to is the same: TOBB ETÜ dorm management is one of the perpetrators.”

Seren, citing information from Arya’s relatives, stated that photos were taken of Arya when she dressed in a way that made her feel at home, and that pressure was exerted using these images. She said that dorm director Semiha Akın repeatedly called Arya’s family, saying, “Take her out of here, she’s acting strangely.”

Seren also noted that Arya’s suggestion to add an LGBTIQ+ slogan to a campus protest against femicide was met with backlash: “Arya was targeted; she faced threats and insults from students. Shortly thereafter, she was cornered and beaten by a group of students on campus. Of course, those responsible have faced no consequences and are still continuing their education at the school.”

“Trans suicides are the consequence”

Seren, who defines trans suicides not as individual acts but as the product of systemic violence, states, “We repeat that the perpetrators of trans deaths are the state, the family system, and a society in which the state’s transphobia reigns supreme. From the moment they are born, trans people are isolated in this country: first, they cannot find a place within their families; then, landlords refuse to house them; then, workplaces; then the streets, and we see a reality emerging before us that seeks our eradication,” she said.

According to Seren, the inadequacy of the 4,000 TL KYK scholarship and loan amount, the increasingly difficult access to hormones, and dormitory administrations that enforce the binary gender system—and threaten and harass trans people when they step outside of it—are among the primary conditions driving trans people to death. For this reason, noting that there are many causes of trans suicides, Seren said the following:

“Trans people’s right to access hormones is becoming increasingly inaccessible every day due to the state’s transphobic and hateful policies. Consequently, when investigating the causes of trans suicides, we encounter dozens of reasons, and we are being made to believe that our lives are not considered lives, and that our suicides are isolated incidents.”

“Our struggle must become a matter of public”

Seren noted that they have not yet initiated any legal action, stating that their priority is to share Arya’s experiences and the suicide process she was driven into with the public:

“Our priority is to share Arya’s story, her life, her identity, her experiences, and the path that led her to suicide, with the public. By weaving this narrative step by step, we aim to have all democratic sectors take ownership of this struggle and walk this path with us. Without being confined by the limits of the prevailing legal system—though we will certainly utilize it—we want to hold those responsible for Arya’s death accountable and ensure true justice is served.”

Seren concluded her remarks by stating that they can only achieve their demands regarding trans suicides through struggle:

“We must emphasize that there is no other way but to fight together by sharing our experiences—in short, our struggles—with society, and that what trans and queer people experience is the concern of every segment of society. Our struggle must become a societal one; our struggles must be shared.”

Trans suicides are four times higher than cis suicides

Trans suicides continue to be brought to the forefront by LGBTI+ organizations as a result of systematic violence. While there is no reliable data on trans suicides in Turkey, research conducted in other countries indicates that suicides among transgender and non-binary youth are four times higher than among their cisgender peers.

According to an interview given by mental health expert Prof. Dr. Şahika Yüksel to Tuğçe Yılmaz of bianet, among 141 adult transgender individuals who had never sought help from a healthcare institution or had sought help but received no support, the rate of those who had attempted suicide before the age of 21 was recorded at 76%.

Additionally, according to the ILGA-Europe 2026 Rainbow Map, Turkey ranks 47th out of 49 countries in terms of LGBTQ+ rights.

The statement published by the “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative on its social media accounts under the headline “Who Is Semiha Akın, Manager of TOBB ETÜ Dormitories?” reads as follows:

“Semiha Akın, who has served as the General Director of TOBB ETÜ Dormitories since at least 2013, has been the subject of continuous complaints and exposés shared by students residing in the dormitory since the year she assumed her position; however, none of these complaints or exposures have been taken into consideration.

As the ‘What Happened to Arya’ Initiative, we have previously stated that Arya’s murder, in which she was driven to suicide, is not an isolated incident, and there is not a single perpetrator behind the incident. However, we assert that dormitory director Semiha Akın bears responsibility for Arya’s murder by driving her to suicide, and we demand that an effective investigation be conducted to immediately remove Semiha Akın from her position and bring her to trial for the numerous crimes she has committed.

Semiha Akın has used the state’s gender-biased and LGBTIQ+ phobic policies as a shield to exert control over female and queer students, subjecting them to violence and harassment, she has repeatedly stated that she does not address students who file complaints regarding dormitory conditions, and by acting in violation of dormitory regulations, such as searching students’ rooms in their absence, she has presumed the right to violate their privacy.

So, how was Semiha Akın able to do all of this? How is it possible that she could say about a female student, “I even know the color of her thong,” demanded that a student fold her clothes after throwing them on the floor; entered a student’s room while they were naked and harassed them; made remarks targeting a female student’s sexuality after finding birth control pills in her room; and shared the situation with the student’s family?

Dorm director Semiha Akın was able to do all of this because she is aware that nothing will happen to her, and that the state’s “Year of the Family” policies already support the practices she is implementing. She has the state itself backing her.

In Arya’s specific case, Semiha Akın’s actions have taken on a much more severe dimension due to Arya’s trans identity.

When Arya did not dress according to “social norms,” Semiha Akın secretly took photos of her and shared them with her family, who were forcing Arya into “conversion therapy”—a crime against humanity. By telling the family, “Take this from here,” regarding Arya’s identity and body, she clearly committed a hate crime.

So, what has come of all this? The complaints and public exposures by the female and queer students were ignored and forcibly deleted; our classmate Arya was driven to suicide and murdered, while nothing happened to Semiha Akın.

Even after Arya was driven to suicide and murdered, the dormitory administration entered Arya’s room without the prosecutor’s permission and rummaged through her belongings.

This situation raises several questions at once:

1-How is Semiha Akın able to continue serving as dormitory director when she has harassed and threatened so many students to date?

2-Why has no legal investigation been conducted to date regarding Semiha Akın, who bears concrete responsibility for Arya’s suicide?

3-What else has Semiha Akın done to students residing in the dormitory—things even we are unaware of—that has led to the removal of numerous reports about her?

Until an effective investigation into Arya’s death is conducted, until Semiha Akın and all those responsible for Arya’s death are held accountable, and until they are tried by true justice, we will continue to escalate our struggle and keep asking, “What Happened to Arya?”

*The views of the TOBB ETÜ administration and the dorm director in question could not be obtained.

Powered by  GDPR Cookie Compliance
Privacy overview

Niha+ respects your digital footprint within the framework of independent journalism principles and reader privacy. While browsing our site, cookies are used to provide you with an uninterrupted reading experience and to secure the technical infrastructure of our platform. You can manage your cookie preferences as you wish by using the menu on the left. For detailed information on how your personal data is processed, please review our Privacy Agreement and KVKK Clarification Text.