“Framework Law” passed by parliament

The bill, which aims to bring a 50-year conflict to a legal conclusion, sparked heated debates in the General Assembly of the Parliament. Following the vote, the bill was passed and became law.

Known to the public as the “Framework Law,” the “Draft Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration”—which regulates the PKK’s disarmament and the legal status of PKK members—was passed by Parliament following a vote and became law. In the vote, which was conducted via electronic voting, 562 members of parliament cast their votes, with 468 voting in favor, 88 against, and 6 abstaining. Thus, the “Draft Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration” passed the General Assembly of the Parliament and became law.

The General Assembly adjourned following the vote.

Debates on the legislation, known to the public as the “Framework Law,” began at 11:00 a.m.

In the General Assembly, the deputy group leaders of the various parties made statements regarding the bill. Bülent Kaya spoke on behalf of Yeni Yol, Turhan Çömez on behalf of the İYİ Party, Rahmi Aşkın Türeli on behalf of the CHP, Erkan Akçay on behalf of the MHP, Gülistan Kılıç Koçyiğit on behalf of the DEM Party, Murat Emir on behalf of the Yeni Party, and Abdulhamit Gül on behalf of the AKP.

The 12-article bill is expected to establish the legal framework for the new resolution process.

The “Draft Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration”—known to the public as the “Framework Law”—which regulates the PKK’s disarmament and the legal status of PKK members, was adopted by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) Plenary following intense debates, and deliberations on its articles have begun.

In an electronic vote held in the General Assembly, the decision to proceed with the bill’s articles passed with 269 “Yes” votes against 28 “No” votes. While the ruling coalition (AKP and MHP) described the bill as “a historic state policy for a Turkey free of terrorism,” the İYİ Party strongly opposed it. The YENİ Party and the CHP, which announced they would vote “Yes” on the bill, noted that the process must be supported by steps toward democratization and justice. Thirty-three members of the YENİ Party parliamentary group declared they would vote “No.”

YENİ Party MPs who announced they will vote “No”

1. İzzet Akbulut

2. Hasan Öztürk

3. Sibel Suiçmez

4 Cemal Enginyurt

5 Süreyya Öneş Derici

6 Deniz Yavuzyılmaz

7 İbrahim Aslan

8 Hikmet Yalım Halıcı

9 Cumhur Uzun

10 Eylem Ertuğ Eryılmaz

11 Murat Çan

12 Servet Mullaoğlu

13 Salih Uzun

14 Uğur Bayraktutan

15 Şeref Arpacı

16 Murat Bakan

17 Seyit Torun

18 Mahmut Tanal

19 Fethi Açıkel

20 Elvan Işık Gezmiş

21 Melih Meriç

22 İsmail Atakan Ünver

23 Mehmet Tahtasız

24 Ümit Özlale

25 Mustafa Erdem

26 Ayşe Sibel Yanıkömeroğlu

27 Reşat Karagöz

28 Ayhan Barut

29 Barış Karadeniz

30 Fahri Özkan

31 Deniz Yücel

32 Seda Kaya Ösen

33 Ednan Arslan

Ekrem İmamoğlu, the detained Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) Mayor, issued a statement through his lawyers regarding the “framework law.” Noting that Turkey is at “one of the most significant turning points in its history,” İmamoğlu said that peace, tranquility, brotherhood, democracy, and the rule of law must be strengthened.

Imamoğlu expressed his support for the decision made by Özgür Özel, Chairman of the New Party, during this process. Stating that he believes in “the new political path he has opened, his great struggle, and his leadership,” Imamoğlu said he supports “the exceptional resolve he has demonstrated through all his warnings.”

Imamoğlu said, “I stand behind the decision he made today.”

The DEM Party, meanwhile, described the law as “the first step toward resolving the conflict.”

Ş. Can Atalay, the elected MP for Hatay, sent a message from Silivri Prison emphasizing the importance of a nonviolent political environment, while Tunç Soyer noted that the law is a key to “ending the era of blood and tears.”

Chronology of the Day

11:37 – 13:55
Pre-Session and Lobby Traffic
Devlet Bahçeli, Chairman of the MHP who initiated the process, arrived at Parliament. In the lobby, DEM Party Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan, alongside Imralı Delegation members Pervin Buldan and Mithat Sancar, approached Bahçeli and shook hands. Prior to this, AKP and CHP Group Chairmen also greeted Bahçeli.
11:58 – 14:01
Initial Statements by Group Deputy Chairmen and İYİ Party’s Motion
Taking the floor at the beginning of the session, AKP Group Deputy Chairman Abdulhamit Gül defined the process as the “spirit of Gallipoli,” while Gülistan Kılıç Koçyiğit from the DEM Party stated, “The winner of peace will be 86 million people.” Representatives from CHP, YENİ Party, and Yeni Yol emphasized that laying down arms alone would not suffice without democratization. The İYİ Party submitted a group motion to prevent the start of deliberations on the grounds that the bill was unconstitutional. The motion, presented by İYİ Party’s Turhan Çömez with harsh criticism stating “You chose the day the Treaty of Sèvres was signed (August 10) to deliberate this bill that will pardon terrorists,” was rejected upon voting.
14:06
İYİ Party’s Fierce Opposition: ‘It Is a Major Uprising’
İYİ Party Chairman Müsavat Dervişoğlu was the figure who delivered the harshest reaction to the process from the podium. Arguing that the law aims to integrate PKK leaders into politics, Dervişoğlu confirmed they would vote ‘No’, stating: “No matter what anyone calls this process, it is a major uprising against our national identity and republic. Who marketed Öcalan as an acceptable political guru?”
15:56
DEM Party: ‘This Law Is Not a Concession, the Homeland Is Shared’
DEM Party Co-Chair Tuncer Bakırhan stated that the bill is the “first step in conflict resolution,” adding: “This bill is not a concession; it is neither victory nor defeat. We are not opening the integrity of the country to debate. If the Kurds wanted to secede, we would not be here. The homeland is shared.” Bakırhan noted that although the law has shortcomings, they support it, and the real step must be taken through democratization when Parliament opens.
16:07 – 16:38
YENİ Party and CHP: ‘We Will Not Stand in the Way of Peace’
YENİ Party Chairman Özgür Özel criticized the process being conducted behind closed doors and the lack of democratic steps such as trustee appointments and ECtHR rulings. However, he stated, “We will not close the door opened for laying down arms; we will vote ‘Yes’.” Özel granted his MPs a free vote based on the sensitivities of their provinces. Speaking on behalf of the CHP, İnan Alp Akgün and Oğuz Kaan Salıcı also confirmed that the CHP would vote ‘Yes’, saying, “The time has come to secure the Republic through democracy.”
18:01 – 18:03
Ruling Bloc (MHP, AKP): ‘This Is Not an Amnesty’
MHP Deputy Chairman Feti Yıldız emphasized that the bill is not an amnesty and does not alter ongoing investigations or the nature of offenses. He stated, “The goal of the process is the rule of law and the strengthening of the internal front.” AKP Group Chairman Abdullah Güler shared that the prepared report was drafted “without a third-party external observer, by the children of this land,” and that the sole objective is to ensure violence is never discussed again.

What had happened?

The bill had been debated for 18 hours in the Turkish Grand National Assembly’s Justice Committee.

The bill bears the signatures of 367 members of parliament, including representatives from the AKP, CHP, MHP, DEM Party, HÜDA PAR, the New Path Group, and the DSP.

During the discussions, which were not without controversy, the AKP and MHP argued that the bill was the “product of a historic consensus” and did not constitute an “amnesty.”

The CHP and the New Party, however, emphasized that the process lacked a democratic dimension. The New Path Group, meanwhile, stated that the measure constituted a “conditional general amnesty.”

Seat distribution in Parliament

AKP 277, New Party 91, DEM Party 56, MHP 46, CHP 45, Good Party 29, New Path Party 20, HÜDA PAR 4, Prosperity Party 4, TİP 3, Democratic Regions Party (DBP) 2, EMEP 2, Felicity Party, Democratic Left Party, and Democratic Party each hold 1 seat. Ten members of Parliament are independents.

Parliament Scoreboard: Framework Law Vote

nihaplus Special Infographic Desk • Detailed Breakdown by Party and MP
“IN FAVOR” (Yes)
AKP268
DEM Party55
MHP44
YENİ Party35
CHP29
Yeni Yol Group16
Independents7
HÜDA PAR4
TİP3
DBP2
EMEP2
DSP1
Felicity Party1
“AGAINST” (No)
YENİ Party54
İYİ Party29
CHP2
Independents1
Democrat Party1
ABSTAIN
New Welfare Party4
Yeni Yol Group3
DID NOT VOTE
CHP14
AKP9
YENİ Party2
MHP2
Independents2
DEM Party1
Yeni Yol Group1

“Framework Law” to consist of 12 articles

The articles of the “framework law” prepared within the scope of the Peace and Democratic Society Process have been announced. In the proposal expected to be passed into law within a week, it was observed that Abdullah Öcalan and those who received life or aggravated life sentences before 2005 were excluded from the scope.

The articles included in the draft “framework law,” expected to be submitted to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) under the Peace and Democratic Society Process, were disclosed. The regulations of the bill titled “Law on the Strengthening of National Solidarity and Social Integration” were announced in a joint press conference held by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its nationalist ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).

AKP Group Chairman Abdullah Güler, AKP Deputy Chairman Abdülhamit Gül, and MHP Vice President Feti Yıldız also attended the press conference held at the Parliament. Güler announced the articles of the bill titled “Law on the Strengthening of National Solidarity and Social Integration” submitted to the Speaker’s Office of the Parliament. Stating that the “Strengthening of National Solidarity and Social Integration” bill consists of 12 articles, including the execution and enforcement articles, Güler said: “Necessary regulations will be made as needed. Furthermore, interviews will be held in İmralı with individuals such as academics and journalists, subject to a certain discipline and procedure.”

According to the articles in the proposal, those who received aggravated life sentences before 2005 or crimes leading to an aggravated life sentence obligation will be kept outside the scope of the law. In this context, the fact that Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan, who is the interlocutor of the process, was not included in the framework law sparked public reaction.

Kartal: “The current arrangement is not an appropriate decision”

Speaking to Mesopotamia Agency, Kurdistan People’s Congress (KONGRA-GEL) Co-Chair Remzi Kartal recalled Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chairman Devlet Bahçeli’s rhetoric on the “right to hope,” saying: “If Leader Apo is not effective in this process, if he does not personally make a direct call, this process will not progress. The primary metric in the state’s approach to the Kurdish issue—for both the Freedom Movement and the people—is the state’s approach to Leader Apo. Leader Apo’s status, living conditions, and working conditions are the decisive metrics. If there is no reassuring development on this matter, and if familiar security policies are still being based upon, this situation will not build trust either in the Freedom Movement or among the people.”

In his evaluations regarding the process this morning to Sinan Burhan, Editor-in-Chief of Millet News Agency, MHP Chairman Devlet Bahçeli stated that the “right to hope” should be granted to Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan:

“Selahattin Demirtaş should return to his home, Ahmets to their duties, and Öcalan to the ‘right to hope.’ Turkey must find peace. Our goal is for Turkey and the region to attain peace.”

Kartal continued his remarks as follows:

“It may be handled this way at the initial stage by taking public sensitivities into account. However, this must definitely be resolved through other laws to be enacted and other steps to be taken in the coming period. The authorized bodies of the state and the Parliament need to be very clear on this matter. As the people and the movement, this is how we view it. Because if there is truly no development on this issue, returns to Turkey and participation in the legal-democratic process may face serious problems. Therefore, we do not view the current arrangement as an appropriate decision.”

The draft “framework law,” submitted to the Speaker’s Office of the Parliament and shared with the public, is expected to become law within a week.

CHP and HÜDAPAR also signed

AKP, MHP, DEM Party, HÜDA-PAR, and CHP signed the proposal expected to become law within a week. The bill will come before the Parliamentary Justice Commission on Friday, August 7, and discussions will begin. If accepted in the commission, the proposal will begin to be debated in the General Assembly of the Parliament.

“This law is a first step”

Following the signing meeting held in the DEM Party Parliament group room, DEM Party Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan held a press conference. Speaking first, Bakırhan said: “We had criticisms regarding the law. The law had shortcomings. Despite all this, we will grow this first step and socialize it. We will try to take it to the 86 million. In addition, we will defend and support to the end every democratic step, word, practice, and action that prevents the reproduction of conflict, primarily in the Parliament.”

Speaking after Bakırhan, Tülay Hatimoğulları stated that as DEM Party, they wanted this law to have the nature of a “core law”, adding: “The Kurdish issue is not a terrorism issue. We have always underlined this. The Kurdish issue is an economic issue. It is a social, political, and societal issue. Therefore, by handling this issue and this matter in this way, we consider this stage important in terms of the emergence of new laws that will pave the way for democratization while negotiation and dialogue continue in the upcoming process.”

SOHR: “Turkish border guards killed nine Syrian civilians in nine months”

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), Turkish border guards have been responsible for the deaths of nine civilians and the injury of 41 others since the beginning of 2026.

Foto: Wikipedia, (William John Gauthier)

In a statement, SOHR said that during July 2026, two Syrian civilians were killed and 27 others were injured as a result of shootings and acts of torture allegedly carried out by Turkish border guards while they were attempting to cross from Syria into Türkiye through irregular routes.

According to the organization, 11 people were injured in Raqqa, one civilian was killed and 16 others were injured in Hasakah, while one civilian was killed in Aleppo during the reporting period.

SOHR stated that, since the beginning of 2026, Turkish border guards have allegedly been responsible for the deaths of nine Syrian civilians and the injury of 41 others.

The organization’s figures indicate the following regional distribution:

  • Hasakah: 2 killed, 16 injured
  • Raqqa: 2 killed, 24 injured
  • Aleppo: 5 killed

In its statement, SOHR renewed its call for an end to attacks against civilians along the Syrian-Turkish border and urged respect for international humanitarian law and internationally recognized standards on the protection of civilians.

SOHR also condemned what it described as the excessive use of force against civilians attempting to cross the border and called for all those responsible for violations against civilians to be held accountable.

Human Rights Violations on the Syria-Türkiye Border (2014–2026)

Cases documented by human rights organizations and independent monitoring groups

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), Turkish border guards have allegedly been responsible for the deaths of 9 Syrian civilians and the injury of 41 others since the beginning of 2026.
2014
14-year-old child shot near Kızıltepe
A Syrian Kurdish family fleeing from Damascus attempted to cross into Türkiye near Mardin’s Kızıltepe district. During the incident, the family’s 14-year-old son was shot in the back of his head and seriously injured.
Source: Bianet
2014
Saada Darwich killed near the border
Saada Darwich, 28, was killed by gunfire while attempting to cross from Rojava’s Derik region toward Türkiye, alongside her husband and children.
Source: Bianet
2016
HRW: Five killed, 14 injured
Human Rights Watch reported that Turkish border guards opened fire on Syrian civilians attempting to cross the border during March and April 2016, killing five people and injuring 14 others.
Source: Human Rights Watch
2016
SOHR: Eight civilians killed, including four children
SOHR reported that eight civilians, including four children, were killed near the border while fleeing clashes in Manbij. The Syrian opposition coalition reported that the number of deaths was 11.
Source: SOHR
2018
HRW: Shooting, abuse and pushbacks
Human Rights Watch documented allegations of shooting, ill-treatment and forced returns against Syrians attempting to cross into Türkiye.
Source: Human Rights Watch
2023
HRW: 234 civilians killed, 231 injured
According to data reviewed by Human Rights Watch, at least 234 civilians were killed and 231 people injured between 2015 and April 2023 in incidents involving Turkish border guards.
Source: Human Rights Watch
2023
Syrian lawyer killed while attempting to cross the border
SOHR reported that a Syrian lawyer attempting to enter Türkiye from Idlib was killed after being shot by Turkish border guards.
Source: SOHR
2026
Journalist Nujan Mala Hassan shot
According to the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), journalist Nujan Mala Hassan was wounded by live ammunition while covering protests near the Syria-Türkiye border.
Source: International Federation of Journalists
2026
SOHR: Nine killed, 41 injured
SOHR reported that nine Syrian civilians were killed and 41 others injured since the beginning of 2026. The organization called for an end to the excessive use of force against civilians.
Source: SOHR
Key figures
234
Civilians killed (HRW)
231
People injured (HRW)
9
Killed in 2026 (SOHR)
41
Injured in 2026 (SOHR)
Sources: Human Rights Watch (HRW), Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Bianet.Figures are based on reports and statements published by these organizations.

Istanbul Municipality’s ALO 153 Solution Center will now offer services in Kurdish

The ALO 153 Solution Center of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB), which previously provided services in Turkish, English, and Arabic, has added the Kurmancî dialect of Kurdish as of today.

The Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality has added the Kurmancî dialect of Kurdish to its multilingual service offerings.

The ALO 153 Solution Center, which operates under the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality’s Directorate of Public Relations, previously provided services in Turkish, English, and Arabic. As of today, the Kurmancî dialect of Kurdish has been added to the ALO 153 Solution Center.

With this new initiative, Kurdish speakers will also be able to access municipal services in their native language through the call center, where tens of thousands of people each day can submit requests, suggestions, and complaints without having to visit a municipal office.

Previously discussed in the Municipality Council

The implementation of this initiative had been brought up multiple times in the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Council.

There had been calls for this initiative to be expanded and implemented across all departments so that Kurds living in Istanbul could rise their concerns and complaints in their native language.

Ahmet Davutoğlu: From “Strategic Depth” to a controversial political legacy

Beginning his public career as an academic, Ahmet Davutoğlu went on to serve as a foreign policy adviser, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Prime Minister, becoming one of the key political actors during some of the most critical turning points in Türkiye’s recent history.

Photo: Social media

One of the most influential figures in Türkiye’s politics over the past two decades, Ahmet Davutoğlu has announced his retirement from active politics. His political career—from academia to the prime ministership—has been marked by dramatic shifts in foreign policy, widespread human rights violations during curfew periods, urban destruction documented in civil society reports, and controversial security policies that have become part of the country’s political history through his own public statements.

As the chief architect of the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) foreign policy, Davutoğlu entered the highest levels of government. His political legacy remains closely associated with some of the deepest crises in Türkiye’s domestic and foreign policy.

Former Turkish Prime Minister and Future Party (Gelecek Partisi) leader Ahmet Davutoğlu announced that he is withdrawing from politics and that his party will cease its political activities.

In a written statement, Davutoğlu said that in 2021 they had sought to establish an alliance among three conservative parties in response to an electoral system that effectively made political alliances necessary. After those efforts failed, he said they joined an alliance that balanced the main opposition party “to prevent the dangers of revanchism arising from polarization and to create common ground for social reconciliation.”

He continued:

“After the 2023 elections, we made every possible sacrifice—including our party’s name—in order to ensure that alternative conservative politics would be represented in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye as a parliamentary group and would emerge as a strong political alternative for the future. We first formed a parliamentary group together with the Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi), and later under the name New Path Party (Yeni Yol Partisi). From the very beginning, we worked to transform this parliamentary group into a single party by first uniting internally and then, if possible, incorporating other conservative parties as well. Where a merger proved impossible, we sought to establish an organic alliance. Unfortunately, these efforts also failed.”

Davutoğlu argued that “the widespread erosion of political ethics and the transfer of members of parliament regardless of party affiliation have made it increasingly difficult to build a strong political alternative and have weakened our parties’ standing in the eyes of society.”

He continued: “At the point we have reached today, we see that the political system in general—and party politics in particular—has reached a profound impasse. On the one hand, power has become increasingly monopolized; on the other, fragmentation has rendered alternative political forces ineffective. The corruption that began at the highest levels of politics has spread, regardless of party affiliation, to political cadres, civil society organizations, and ultimately every layer of society. The existing political mechanisms have largely exhausted their capacity for self-correction.”

Davutoğlu announced his decision to withdraw from party politics and terminate the Future Party’s political activities with the following words:

“In light of these assessments, and following consultations with our party’s authorized bodies and the colleagues who have carried the Future Party to this day, we have decided to withdraw from party politics and end the political activities of the Future Party in order not to become part of the contaminated political climate. This is not a decision of surrender. It is a decision to establish moral distance. It is not an abandonment of politics, but rather a call for everyone to rethink politics.”

From academia to the center of power

Born in 1959 in the Taşkent district of Konya Province, Ahmet Davutoğlu pursued an academic career in international relations.

Known for his work on international relations, strategy, and foreign policy, Davutoğlu developed an approach arguing that Türkiye should make more effective use of its historical and geographical position in international affairs. This vision was most clearly articulated in his influential book Strategic Depth.

Following the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) rise to power in 2002, Davutoğlu entered government as Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s chief foreign policy adviser.

In 2009, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, giving him the opportunity to translate his academic ideas directly into state policy.

During this period, Türkiye’s foreign policy came to be defined by the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors.”

From “Zero problems with neighbors” to regional intervention

At the heart of Davutoğlu’s foreign policy vision was the idea that Türkiye should strengthen its relations with neighboring countries and act as a stabilizing regional power.

During the period when relations with Syria improved, Ankara and Damascus significantly expanded their economic and diplomatic ties. However, the popular uprising that began in Syria in 2011 and rapidly evolved into a civil war became the greatest test of this policy. Türkiye soon adopted a much more confrontational stance toward the government of Bashar al-Assad.

The government’s direct involvement in Syria’s internal affairs—guided by the symbolic slogan of the time, “We will pray at the Umayyad Mosque”—marked one of the most controversial turning points in Turkish foreign policy. During this period, the political, logistical, and military support provided to armed opposition groups in Syria effectively made Türkiye a direct party to the conflict.

Security policies and controversial statements

As the Syrian civil war deepened, ISIS emerged as one of the region’s most significant security threats. Türkiye came under both domestic and international criticism over border security, the movement of foreign fighters, and ISIS’s presence within the country.

Some of the statements Davutoğlu made during this period became the subject of intense public debate regarding the state’s approach to ISIS and the limits of its security policies.

While assessing the organization’s rapid territorial expansion in the Middle East, Davutoğlu said that “ISIS may be seen as a radical, terrorist organization, but (…) the situation there reflects earlier grievances and anger that have produced a broad reaction across a wide front.” Although he did not literally describe ISIS members as “angry young men,” these remarks were widely summarized and remembered by the public under that characterization.

Another statement that drew widespread attention came after the 10 October 2015 Ankara Train Station Massacre. Speaking during a television interview, Davutoğlu said:

“We have a list of suicide bombers currently in Türkiye. However, under the rule of law, we cannot arrest them before they carry out an attack.”

The statement, which was widely paraphrased in public discourse as “We cannot arrest suicide bombers before they blow themselves up,” triggered intense criticism, particularly in the aftermath of the Ankara Train Station Massacre.

From the peace process to renewed armed conflict

One of the defining turning points of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s tenure as prime minister was the collapse of the Kurdish peace process and the resumption of armed conflict.

The Peace Process, which began in 2013, entered a new phase with the Dolmabahçe Declaration in 2015. However, escalating violence during the summer of 2015 led to extensive security operations across predominantly Kurdish cities.

During the clashes in Sur, Cizre, Nusaybin, and several other districts, numerous civilians lost their lives, residential areas were heavily damaged, and thousands of people were displaced. As prime minister, Davutoğlu was one of the government’s highest-ranking political officials responsible for the security policies implemented during this period.

Human rights organizations criticized the government’s handling of the curfews, the protection of civilians, forced displacement, and the large-scale destruction of urban areas.

The Civilian Toll of Curfews
Field reports and data compilations by civil society organizations—the Human Rights Foundation of Türkiye (TİHV) and the Human Rights Association (İHD)—clearly documented the devastating impact of the operations on the civilian population:
Civilian Deaths
321
According to the Human Rights Foundation of Türkiye (TİHV), at least 321 civilians lost their lives during the period when curfews were most extensively imposed, between 16 August 2015 and 16 August 2016.
Scope of the Curfews
369 Times
Curfews were imposed 369 times between 2015 and 2019 across 11 provinces and 51 districts. In some locations they lasted for weeks or even months, including uninterrupted curfews exceeding 100 days in Diyarbakır’s Sur district.
Forced Displacement and Destruction
~500,000
Approximate number of people who were forcibly displaced. Urban neighborhoods and historic city centers were devastated during clashes involving the use of heavy weaponry.
Violations of Fundamental Rights
1.5 Million+
More than 1.5 million people living in areas under curfew faced restricted access to water, food, and healthcare. The rights to life, education, health, and housing were systematically violated.

Sur and the “Toledo” remark

One of the areas most severely affected by the clashes was the historic Sur district of Diyarbakır, renowned for its rich cultural heritage and centuries-old urban fabric.

The destruction of Sur and the subsequent reconstruction projects became the subject of extensive public debate.

Among the most controversial statements of the period was Davutoğlu’s pledge:

“We will turn Sur into Toledo.”

The remark sparked criticism from many who argued that it reflected an approach prioritizing urban redevelopment over preserving the district’s historical and cultural identity.

The Ankara Train Station Massacre

The attack targeting a peace rally outside Ankara’s main railway station on 10 October 2015 became one of the deadliest terrorist attacks in Türkiye’s history.

More than one hundred people were killed and hundreds more were injured.

In the aftermath of the massacre, public debate extended beyond the perpetrators themselves to include questions surrounding intelligence failures, security shortcomings, and the state’s obligation to protect the right to life.

Following the attack, Davutoğlu stated:

“We conducted polling after the terrorist attack in Ankara, and there is an upward trend in our support.”

Like his earlier remarks concerning ISIS, this statement provoked widespread public criticism.

In later years, responding to criticism directed at him, Davutoğlu argued that he had never personally used the phrase “angry young men” to describe ISIS. He also maintained that his comments regarding suicide bombers and post-attack polling had been taken out of context and distorted as part of a campaign to discredit him.

Academics for peace

Davutoğlu’s term as prime minister was also marked by intense debate over freedom of expression, press freedom, and academic freedom.

The appointment of government trustees to media outlets, legal proceedings against journalists, and investigations targeting academics drew criticism regarding Türkiye’s democratic standards.

Following the publication of the Academics for Peace declaration titled “We Will Not Be a Party to This Crime” in 2016, criminal and administrative investigations were launched against its signatories.

In subsequent years, the Constitutional Court of Türkiye ruled in several cases that the proceedings against some of the signatory academics had violated their right to freedom of expression.

The period reignited broader debates over how the balance should be drawn between state security policies and fundamental freedoms, particularly freedom of expression and academic independence.

Departure from power

Davutoğlu stepped down as Chairman of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Prime Minister in 2016. His departure was widely viewed as more than a routine leadership change; it marked a significant political turning point that reflected shifting power dynamics within the ruling party.

One of the defining episodes of this process was the publication of the document that became known as the “Pelican Brief” (Pelikan Bildirisi), an anonymous manifesto sharply criticizing Davutoğlu and widely regarded as a catalyst for his resignation.

In the years that followed, Davutoğlu increasingly advocated for the rule of law, judicial independence, stronger democratic institutions, and the restoration of institutional checks and balances.

However, this new political stance continued to be evaluated in light of the policies implemented during the years in which he had served in government.

A new party

In 2019, Davutoğlu founded the Future Party (Gelecek Partisi).

The party presented itself as an alternative conservative political movement, emphasizing the rule of law, the separation of powers, judicial independence, and the strengthening of democratic institutions.

Despite these ambitions, the Future Party struggled to establish itself as a major political force. In later years, Davutoğlu sought cooperation with other conservative opposition parties, ultimately participating in parliamentary alliances in an effort to consolidate an alternative political bloc.

Following the 2023 general elections, these efforts resulted in the formation of a parliamentary group first with the Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi) and later under the banner of the New Path Party (Yeni Yol Partisi). Nevertheless, attempts to unite the conservative opposition under a single political organization ultimately proved unsuccessful.

A contested political legacy

Ahmet Davutoğlu’s political career is closely associated with one of the most transformative and contentious periods in Türkiye’s recent history.

As the principal architect of the AKP’s foreign policy, he played a central role in shaping Türkiye’s regional strategy through the doctrine of “Strategic depth” and the policy of “Zero problems with neighbors.” Yet the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, Ankara’s direct involvement in the conflict, and the subsequent deterioration of regional relations fundamentally altered that vision.

His tenure as prime minister also coincided with the collapse of the Kurdish peace process, prolonged curfews and security operations in predominantly Kurdish cities, the Ankara Train Station Massacre, and widespread debates over human rights, freedom of expression, and democratic governance.

While Davutoğlu has consistently argued that some of his most controversial statements were taken out of context and that his later political agenda sought to strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law, critics continue to hold him politically responsible for many of the policies implemented during his years in office.

With his announcement that he is withdrawing from politics and bringing the Future Party’s political activities to an end, Davutoğlu closes a chapter that remains one of the most debated in contemporary Turkish political history.

The Ahmet Davutoğlu Era: Key Turning Points
2002
Entered government as Chief Foreign Policy Adviser.
2009
Appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the “Zero Problems with Neighbors” policy was officially introduced.
2011
With the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, Türkiye adopted an “open-door” policy at the border and embraced a more interventionist approach toward the Syrian government.
Summer 2015
The Peace Process collapsed. Extensive curfews and military operations began across predominantly Kurdish cities.
10 October 2015
The Ankara Train Station Massacre, the deadliest terrorist attack in Türkiye’s history, took place.
Early 2016
Following the publication of the “We Will Not Be a Party to This Crime” declaration, investigations and dismissals targeting the Academics for Peace began.
May 2016
Following the process associated with the “Pelican Brief,” he was sidelined from the center of power and stepped down as Prime Minister and AKP Chairman.
2019
Founded the Future Party (Gelecek Partisi), launching a new political movement.

KONDA: 41 Percent of Society Finds Göktaş’s Arrest Wrong

According to research conducted by KONDA, 41 percent of society finds the arrest of comedian Deniz Göktaş “wrong,” while 34 percent said they find it “right.”


In its July 2026 Barometer, KONDA included the case of comedian Deniz Göktaş, who was arrested on July 3 on charges of “inciting the public to hatred and hostility.”

In the study conducted on July 11–12 with 1,895 people, interviewees were asked whether they agreed with the statement, “I find Göktaş’s arrest right.”

While 22 percent of the participants stated they found Göktaş’s arrest “definitely wrong,” 19 percent said they found it “wrong.”

Fifteen percent of the interviewees answered “definitely right” and 19 percent answered “right.”

Survey participants were also asked about the statement, “Anything can be the subject of humor.” Only 16 percent of the interviewees said “I agree” with this statement.

Additionally, the research included analyses of which party participants would prefer to vote for if an election were held today, whom they want to govern Türkiye, potential Presidential election scenarios between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and detained Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, as well as between Erdoğan and Özgür Özel, and an analysis of Erdoğan’s report card grade.

What had happened?

Göktaş was investigated on allegations of “insulting the President” and “degrading religious values” due to statements he used in his stand-up show titled “Ölü Deniz” (The Dead Sea), which was published on YouTube on June 24. Detained at Istanbul Airport on July 2, Göktaş was arrested the following day and sent to the Çorlu Karatepe High-Security Penal Execution Institution in Tekirdağ.

17-year-old E.K. hospitalized after being hit by armored vehicle in Yüksekova

The family of 17-year-old E.K., who was injured when an armored vehicle struck her in the Yüksekova district of Hakkari, said that police had approached people known as “tribal elders” in an effort to get them to withdraw their complaint. Deaths and injuries caused by armored vehicles continue to pose a risk to children in the region.

Photo: Yüksekova Halkın Sesi Journal

E.K., 17, who was injured on July 24 when an armored vehicle struck him in the Güngör neighborhood of Hakkari’s Yüksekova district, is receiving treatment at Yüksekova State Hospital. Examinations found two fractures in E.K.’s right leg, and she is expected to undergo surgery. The course of his condition remains uncertain for now.

While the investigation into the incident continues, the family has not been given any official notification as to whether any judicial or administrative proceedings have been initiated against the police officers who were driving the vehicle.

“When I heard my daughter’s scream, the vehicle had already thrown her to the ground”

In a statement to Mezopotamya News Agency (MA), E.K.’s mother, Vesile Kına, described how, as she was walking with her daughter, the armored vehicle came speeding toward them at an intersection. Kına said that while she was able to step up onto the pavement, her daughter could not get away, describing the moment with the words: “The road was narrow, but even so the vehicle was coming very fast.”

Kına pointed out that armored vehicles are frequently driven at high speed in the neighborhood, and stressed that this was a safety problem concerning not only her own family but the entire neighborhood.

Family: We were asked to withdraw the complaint

Vesile Kına claimed that after the incident, police approached them and asked them to withdraw the complaint. She said that she had been told “we will do everything we can,” but she would not give up her demand for justice. Kına stated that they wanted the camera footage to be examined and the incident to be brought to light in all its aspects:

“Let the camera footage be examined, let the incident be uncovered in all its aspects. I will defend my daughter’s rights and I will not withdraw my complaint.”

E.K.’s father, Lokman Kına, meanwhile, claimed that the police officers who hit his daughter were trying to have the complaint withdrawn through people known as “tribal elders” who are influential in the region. Recalling that his daughter had previously undergone surgery on her arm twice and that her mother has MS, Kına called for an effective investigation into those responsible: “It happened to us today; tomorrow it could happen to another family.”

A situation that has persisted in the region for years

According to the Diyarbakır Bar Association’s report titled “Violations of Children’s Rights Stemming from Armored Vehicles, Mines and Conflict/War Remnants,” covering the 2011-2021 period, 22 children lost their lives and 27 children were injured in accidents caused by armored vehicles over that ten-year span. The report listed Şırnak, Diyarbakır, Hakkari and Mardin as the provinces where armored-vehicle-related injuries were most concentrated. Hakkari, where E.K. was injured, is also on this list.

The annual rights-violations reports of the Human Rights Association (İHD) also show that this situation remains current. Deaths and injuries caused by armored vehicles continue to be recorded as an ongoing risk to children in the region.

Source: Mezopotamya Agency

The “Peyv Link” game awaits Kurdish enthusiasts: Contains 200 thousand Kurdish words

The Kurdish word game “Peyv Link,” which contains more than 200,000 words, is waiting for Kurdish language enthusiasts on Google Play.

The digital word game “Peyv Link,” created as the Kurdish version of the famous game Scrabble, is available for players on the Google Play platform.

The game includes more than 200,000 Kurdish words and their meanings in its dictionary. Users can play either against artificial intelligence (AI) or compete against other players online.

A great workout for the Kurdish mind

Peyv Link is not just a word game; it also serves as a mental exercise to strengthen memory and develop mother-tongue awareness. The connections made between Kurdish words systematically expand players’ vocabularies and keep their minds active.

Users who want to install the game on their mobile devices can search for “Peyv” or “Peyv Link” on Google Play to download it.

Source: Ajansa Welat

Iran attacked the Kurdistan Region: 8 Peshmerga killed

Iranian forces attacked Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, this morning with more than 5 drones and missiles. As a result, 8 Peshmerga were killed and many people were injured. Iran also attacked Kuwait, Bahrain, and Syria.

Photo: Rûdaw

The United States (USA) and Israel declared war on Iran on February 28, 2026, and began attacks. In response to the attacks by the US and Israel, Iran also attacked US bases in Gulf countries and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, and Iran continues these attacks to this day.

On the first day of the attacks, many high-ranking Iranian officials were killed, including Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The United States named its attacks against Iran “Operation Historical Fury,” and Israel named its attacks “Operation Lion’s Roar.” Iran also launched retaliatory attacks under the name “Operation True Promise-4.”

Since February 28, the start of the U.S. and Israel’s war with Iran, hundreds of attacks have been carried out against the Kurdistan Region before the ceasefire.

On April 8, 2026, U.S. President Donald Trump announced that they had accepted a two-week ceasefire with Iran on the condition that the Strait of Hormuz be completely reopened.

Also, despite the ceasefire being announced, Iran has not stopped its attacks against the Kurds in any way. From February 28, 2026, until the ceasefire on April 8, Iran and its affiliated organizations attacked the Iraqi Kurdistan Region with more than 700 drones and missiles. After the ceasefire, Iran continued its attacks against the Kurdistan Region.

There are dead and wounded

According to RojNews this morning, Iran attacked the border of Hewlêr, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, with more than 5 drones and missiles. The attack was also intercepted by the air defense system.

According to reports, explosions were also heard near the border of the city of Halabja this morning. The official cause has not been confirmed, but it is said that the attack was carried out by a drone.

Also, according to Rudaw news this morning, bases of Eastern Kurdish parties on the Rêzgûz border in Sulaimaniyah were attacked with drones, and a fire broke out.

An official of the Revolutionary Association of the Workers of Kurdistan in Iran announced that they have had dead and wounded from this morning’s attacks on one of their bases in the Sulaymaniyah province.

A member of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Association of the Workers of Iranian Kurdistan spoke to Rudaw about the drone and missile attacks on their camps, saying:

“Our main headquarters in Zirgiwêzeleya, Silêmaniye, was bombed with 6 missiles and caught fire. According to initial information, we have at least 8 martyrs, and it is likely that this number will increase. There are also a number of wounded, but due to the ongoing fire, the details are not yet clear.”

Iran also attacked Kuwait, Bahrain, and Syria

The Kuwaiti Army released a statement on its official X account regarding the Iranian attacks on their country, saying:

“Kuwait’s air defense is now responding to hostile missile and drone attacks resulting from Iranian aggression.”

In Bahrain, citizens were urged to take shelter
Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior announced that warning sirens have been activated in the country. The ministry urged citizens to quickly go to shelters and safe places to protect their lives. Iranian state media confirmed that their country’s military had targeted an airbase in Bahrain that housed American aircraft and helicopters.

Tehran also claimed that the attack was “in response to the enemy’s hostile actions against the country’s urban infrastructure and innocent people.”

Syria

The Iranian Revolutionary Guard announced that in response to the attack in the city of Bampur in Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan province, they targeted an American military base in Syria.

The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps issued a statement on the attack on the Tenef military base.

According to the statement, many American soldiers were killed in the attack. The statement indicated that they “suddenly” attacked the headquarters of the American special operations command in the Tanf region of Syria.

According to the statement, the attack was carried out in retaliation for an American attack on an army military base in the city of Bampur in Sistan and Baluchestan, in which 7 soldiers were killed.

The Public Relations Department of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps announced that in addition to destroying a radar system and several helicopters, a large number of American soldiers were also killed in the attack.

*Resource: Rûdaw, RojNews, PUK Media

Özel’s leadership petitions court to convene extraordinary congress

The CHP’s elected leadership has asked Ankara Civil Court of Peace to appoint a three-member convening committee that would take the party to an extraordinary congress.

Özgür Özel, Photo: Agos

The leadership of Özgür Özel, the elected chair of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), filed a petition with the Ankara Civil Court of Peace on Tuesday (14 July), seeking to convene an extraordinary party congress. In its application, the Özel leadership requested that a three-member convening committee be appointed to call the congress.

According to an information note released after the filing, the process dates back to June. A total of 833 congress delegates submitted a joint, notarised petition for an extraordinary congress, citing the need to “restore democratic legitimacy within the party and convene the congress, the party’s highest decision-making body.” The figure represents more than two-thirds of the congress’s full membership.

The signatures were gathered within the 15-day period stipulated by the CHP’s charter and delivered to the party headquarters on 17 June 2026. As no congress has been called since, the Özel camp argues that the delegates’ collective will has been left without effect.

“Not a matter for the leadership’s discretion”

The case rests on Article 75 of the Civil Code, which allows a civil court judge to authorise three members to convene a general assembly if the executive body fails to do so, upon application by any member. The petition asks that three congress delegates, whose names are to be disclosed at a later stage, be tasked with calling the extraordinary congress.

The information note also cited rulings by the Constitutional Court and the Court of Cassation, arguing that once a sufficient number of delegates demand a congress, the matter is not left to the leadership’s discretion and that this demand is legally binding on the party’s executive. The stated purpose of the case is to enable the 833 delegates to exercise the rights granted to them under the law and the party charter, to uphold democratic functioning within the party, and to secure the convening of the congress.

Emre: “Committee’s sole task will be to convene the congress

CHP spokesperson Zeynel Emre outlined the limits of the committee’s powers in remarks on Monday (13 July). According to Emre, the three-member convening committee will be tasked solely with calling the congress and will not be able to authorise any spending or carry out any administrative action beyond salary payments.

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