The history of the ban and suppression of Kurdish in Syria

Kurdish, which was excluded from education, publishing, place names, and public life in Syria for decades, is entering the state’s official education system for the first time in the country’s modern history. Under a regulation announced by the interim Damascus administration on 28 August, Kurdish will be taught for three hours a week in public and private schools in areas with large Kurdish populations, while one additional hour will be allocated to social and cultural activities. The decision marks a new phase in the language repression that has accompanied denaturalisation, Arabisation, and prohibition policies since the 1960s.

Rojava, Foto: ANHA

Under a decision issued on 28 August 2026 by Muhammad Abd al-Rahman, the Education Minister of the interim Damascus administration, Kurdish was added to the curricula of public and private schools in Kurdish-populated areas as a national language.

Under the decision, an average of three class hours per week will be allocated to Kurdish lessons. One hour per week will also be set aside for Kurdish social and cultural activities.

The decision states that Kurdish will be regarded as one of the core subjects and that students’ grades in the subject will count toward their overall academic average.

The Syrian Ministry of Education also set out the qualifications required of teachers who will teach Kurdish.

Teachers must be university graduates or graduates of teacher-training institutes, with specialisation in Kurdish.

Where necessary, high-school graduates proficient in Kurdish will also be allowed to teach.

Prospective teachers will be required to take written and oral examinations to demonstrate their proficiency in Kurdish.

Kurdish, now incorporated into the education system for the first time in modern Syrian history, had previously been banned by various laws and administrative decisions. Apart from the limited relaxation during the French Mandate period, the ban persisted until the present day.

However, policies toward Kurdish in Syria were not limited to excluding a language from education or public life. Language policy was implemented alongside measures concerning citizenship, place names, personal names, cultural activities, publishing, education, and demographic engineering. Kurdish-language repression in Syria can therefore be seen as part of a broader state policy intended to reduce the public visibility of Kurdish identity and define the country around a single Arab national identity.

Kerim Yıldız’s 2005 study, The Kurds in Syria: The Forgotten People, notes that Syria’s Kurdish population was long estimated at between 1.5 and 2 million, concentrated especially around al-Hasakah, Afrin, Kobani, and Damascus. According to the book, rather than recognising Kurds as an indigenous ethnic or national community of Syria, the state often viewed them as migrants from Turkey or as a security threat. This approach formed the core ideological framework used to legitimise restrictions on the public and educational use of Kurdish.

1920–1946: The French Mandate period

After the First World War, Syria came under French mandate rule. In order to contain Arab nationalism, the French administration pursued a “divide and rule” policy that allowed different communities a degree of local autonomy and space for organisation.

During this period, Kurds, along with some other communities, enjoyed a relatively broader sphere of cultural activity. Kurdish intellectuals and political circles were able to form organisations, while Kurdish publishing and cultural activities became more visible. Hawar, the journal published by Celadet Ali Bedirxan between 1932 and 1943, played an important role in developing a Latin alphabet-based writing system for Kurmanji Kurdish. The journal is considered one of the most significant products of Kurdish cultural life in Syria.

Nevertheless, when France withdrew from Syria in 1946, it left behind no lasting constitutional or legal arrangements guaranteeing Kurdish cultural and linguistic rights. The relative freedom of the mandate era therefore did not evolve into a sustainable rights framework after independence.

1946–1958: The rise of Arab nationalism

After Syria gained independence in 1946, its political system increasingly took shape around Arab nationalism. While the state’s official identity was defined through the idea of “Arab Syria,” the distinct ethnic and linguistic identities of Kurds, Armenians, Syriacs, and other communities were relegated to a secondary position in public life.

Kurdish was not yet banned with the same intensity in every sphere. However, education, state institutions, and official communication were conducted in Arabic. There was no public policy for teaching Kurdish in schools, and Kurdish publishing came under increasingly tight control.

The formation of the United Arab Republic by Syria and Egypt in 1958 reinforced centralist and Arab nationalist policies. According to Kerim Yıldız, during Gamal Abdel Nasser’s rule, Kurds were associated with accusations of “treason” and “separatism”; Kurdish was banned, Kurdish publications were confiscated, and pressure on Kurdish music intensified.

Human-rights reports also indicate that the prohibition of Kurdish publications became clearly institutionalised from 1958 onward. According to these reports, the distribution and publication of Kurdish-language material were banned, and Kurdish was prevented from being used as a language of instruction in schools and universities.

1962: Denaturalisation

One of the most significant turning points in the Kurdish question in Syria was the special census conducted in al-Hasakah Province in 1962.

Decree No. 93 of 23 August 1962 ordered a special census in al-Hasakah. It was carried out in a single day, on 5 October 1962. The government said the purpose was to identify “foreign infiltrators” and regularise population records. However, according to Human Rights Watch, the process was conducted largely arbitrarily. Members of the same family were assigned different statuses, and many Kurds born in Syria were stripped of citizenship.

Kurds were divided into those who retained Syrian citizenship, those classified as ajanib—meaning “foreigners”—and maktumin, or “unregistered” people who were not entered into any official records.

Human Rights Watch reported that around 120,000 Kurds were deprived of citizenship as a result of the 1962 census, while later reports suggested that the figure was tens of thousands higher. A 1996 Human Rights Watch report stated that the government had stripped 142,465 people of citizenship or classified them as foreigners, while Kurdish sources cited higher figures.

Denaturalisation was not a direct language ban. Yet it severely affected the social conditions underpinning Kurdish language and identity. People deprived of citizenship faced difficulties accessing education and public services; lost opportunities to work in public institutions or hold state positions; could not obtain travel documents or passports; encountered problems with property ownership, marriage, and birth registration; and were unable to secure their children’s status.

For this reason, the policy also indirectly weakened the transmission of Kurdish from one generation to the next. Communities whose access to education, official records, and state institutions was restricted could no longer use their language at a public or institutional level.

1963–1970: The Ba’ath regime

When the Ba’ath Party came to power in 1963, the Arab nationalist conception of the state became more systematic. Syria’s political, educational, and administrative institutions were reorganised around Arab national identity.

A 1963 report by Muhammad Talab Hilal, then responsible for internal security in al-Hasakah, is regarded as one of the key documents revealing the state’s approach to the Kurdish population. It proposed removing Kurds from the region, denying them education, restricting their employment opportunities, relocating Arab settlers to the area, and preventing people who did not speak Arabic from voting or holding public office.

These proposals show that policies toward Kurdish were not viewed merely as a cultural matter. For the state, language was treated as a vehicle of Kurdish identity and therefore as a political threat. Speaking Kurdish or carrying out Kurdish cultural activities was frequently associated with allegations of “separatism” or of harming “national unity.”

Reports published in 1967 stated that references to Kurds had been removed from school geography textbooks. Kurdish presence in Syria’s history and geography was thus rendered invisible in the educational curriculum.

1970–1976: The Arab Belt Project

After Hafez al-Assad came to power in 1970, demographic and administrative policies directed at Kurdish regions continued.

From 1973 onward, the project known as the “Arab Belt” or “Arab Cord” was implemented along the borders with Turkey and Iraq in al-Hasakah Province. Human Rights Watch reported that the project extended along a strip approximately 10–15 kilometres wide and 375 kilometres long. Arab families were settled on Kurdish-inhabited land, some Kurdish land was confiscated, and new settlement centres were established.

A report submitted to United Nations human-rights mechanisms states that Kurdish-owned agricultural land in al-Hasakah was expropriated in 1973 and that the Ba’ath Party administration established 41 settlement centres.

The Arab Belt Project affected language in three ways: Kurdish place names were replaced with Arabic names; Kurds’ historical and geographical ties to their land were erased from official records; and efforts were made to reduce the concentration of Kurdish-speaking populations in border areas.

Although the Syrian government announced that the project had ended in 1976, the settlements that had been established were not dismantled, and a substantial number of displaced Kurds were unable to return to their land.

1977: Kurdish place names changed

From the mid-1970s onward, the Arabisation of Kurdish village and town names accelerated.

Instruction No. 15801 of May 1977 ordered the replacement of numerous Kurdish place names in the Afrin region with Arabic ones. During this period, Kobani became Ayn al-Arab.

Place names are not merely administrative labels. They carry communities’ historical memory, relationship with geography, and collective identity. Changing them thus meant not only removing Kurdish from public life but also officially erasing the historical connection between Kurdish communities and the regions where they lived.

The 1980s: Restrictions on public use

During the 1980s, bans on Kurdish began to be enforced through more explicit administrative decisions.

According to information submitted in United Nations documents, the al-Hasakah Governorate banned the use of Kurdish in workplaces through Decision No. 1012/S/25 of 11 November 1986. Another decision, No. 1865/S/25, issued on 13 March 1989, reaffirmed the prohibition on speaking Kurdish and also banned songs in languages other than Arabic at weddings and holiday celebrations.

According to Kerim Yıldız, the 1986 decision also prevented the use of Kurdish in workplaces, cinemas, and cafés. Kurdish was thus suppressed not only in educational institutions but also in a range of public spaces in everyday life.

A secret decree reportedly issued in 1982 again banned the use of Kurdish as a language of instruction in schools and universities, as well as its use and teaching in official institutions. The implementation of this decision made the institutional transmission of Kurdish almost impossible.

As a result, Kurdish children could not receive education in their mother tongue. Kurdish literacy instruction remained outside formal educational institutions, and some families were forced to organise classes at home or in secret to teach their children Kurdish.

The 1990s: Bans on names and publishing

During the 1990s, bans on Kurdish expanded to personal names, business names, and publishing.

From 1992 onward, it became more difficult to give children Kurdish names in al-Hasakah. According to Kurdish sources, instructions from the Ministry of Interior required approval from security authorities for non-Arabic names. This practice particularly targeted Kurdish names.

Intervening in a child’s name showed that language policy had extended into family and private life. The state also controlled how a child’s identity would be expressed in official records.

In 1994, al-Hasakah Governor Subhi Harb ordered businesses bearing Kurdish names to change their names into Arabic within one week. Local authorities were instructed not to issue licences to Kurdish-named shops, hotels, and restaurants. Existing businesses could be closed or their owners subjected to legal action. Human Rights Watch reported seeing Arabic, Armenian, and Russian signs in Syria in 1995, but no Kurdish signs.

The printing, distribution, and import of Kurdish books and magazines were largely prevented. Publishers and printing houses risked punishment under broad and vague pretexts such as “national security,” “national unity,” or “public order.”

Those who wanted to publish in Kurdish sometimes had to print their work in neighbouring countries such as Lebanon and smuggle it into Syria. The 2002 arrest of Ibrahim Nasan for distributing Kurdish cultural and educational materials is one example showing that this policy continued into the 2000s.

2000–2010: Continued restrictions

Although Bashar al-Assad’s rise to power created expectations of reform in some circles, the state’s basic policy toward Kurdish did not change.

Kurdish was not recognised as an official language. Kurds were not allowed to open private language schools or institutions providing education in Kurdish. While Armenian, Syriac, and Circassian communities were able to establish linguistic and cultural institutions to a limited extent, no comparable space was opened for Kurds.

Kurdish-speaking teachers were prevented from using Kurdish at school. Pressure on Kurdish publications continued. Kurdish music, cultural gatherings, and Newroz celebrations were subject to security monitoring.

The events that began in Qamishli in 2004 again demonstrated that the Kurdish question was handled through the state’s security-centred approach. Kurdish activists, journalists, and people involved in cultural activities were detained after the events. Kurdish publishing, cultural expression, and political organising were often treated together as suspected “separatist activity.”

Reports submitted to the United Nations stated that the Syrian government used investigations, detention, restrictions on movement, and criminal charges to prevent Kurds from speaking their mother tongue. The same report noted that Kurdish use was not officially recognised and that the administrative decisions of 1986 and 1989 remained in force.

The situation after 2011

The outbreak of war in Syria in 2011 brought a de facto change in the status of Kurdish. As the Syrian government’s control over the north and northeast weakened, Kurdish political and military structures took control of certain areas.

From 2012 onward, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria began using Kurdish in education and public life. Kurdish was included in the education system alongside Arabic and Syriac. In some regions, children received instruction in their mother tongue in the early years, with other languages added to the curriculum in later grades.

This development represented a significant break from the Arabic-centred education policy maintained by Syria’s central government for decades. However, diplomas and educational documents issued under this system were not fully recognised in the rest of Syria or internationally. This created difficulties for Kurdish-educated students seeking admission to university and official recognition of their qualifications.

Meanwhile, after Afrin came under the control of Turkey-backed forces in 2018, Kurdish education and public use faced a new source of pressure. Reports stated that the region’s curriculum was reorganised around Turkish and Arabic and that Kurdish’s place in education was weakened. Thus, in the post-war period, pressure on Kurdish ceased to be concentrated in one centre; policies of different actors in different regions became decisive.

2026: Kurdish becomes a national language

The year 2026 marked a significant change in the legal status of Kurdish in Syria.

According to a SANA report of 26 August 2026, Decree No. 13, issued by Ahmed al-Sharaa, head of the interim Damascus administration, on 16 January 2026, defined Kurds as an integral and inseparable part of the Syrian people and recognised Kurdish as a “national language.” The decree permitted Kurdish to be taught in public and private schools in areas with substantial Kurdish populations.

Under the Ministry of Education’s decision of 28 August, Kurdish will be taught in schools beginning in the 2026–2027 academic year.

It was not a policy about language alone

This historical trajectory shows that language policy in Syria cannot be considered in isolation. The banning or suppression of Kurdish was implemented alongside denaturalisation, forced displacement, land confiscation, the changing of place names, the rejection of Kurdish names, and the control of publishing.

In other words, the state regarded Kurdish not simply as a “foreign language,” but as an element carrying Kurds’ collective identity and political demands. For this reason, speaking, writing, teaching, or making Kurdish visible in public was often transformed from a cultural activity into a matter of security.

A long process of prohibition

The history of Kurdish in Syria is as much a history of prohibitions and repression as it is a history of preserving the language within families, in clandestine lessons, at cultural gatherings, and in the diaspora. The limited cultural freedom of the French Mandate period was curtailed by Arab nationalist state policies after independence. The 1962 census weakened the social and institutional transmission of the language by stripping a significant section of the Kurdish population of citizenship. The Arab Belt Project of the 1970s deepened this policy through changing place names and demographic interventions. From the 1980s through the 2000s, restrictions continued on the use of Kurdish in education, workplaces, publishing, and personal and business names.

After 2011, a new period began for Kurdish education and administrative use in northeast Syria. Yet this development did not become a common legal framework across the country. The recognition of Kurdish as a national language in 2026 and its introduction as a school subject are viewed as a significant break with the former policy of denial. Whether this will develop into a lasting rights framework will depend on whether use of Kurdish in universities and public institutions is guaranteed, and on how the legacy of denaturalisation is addressed.

Niha+ Research File · Syria

From Prohibition to the Curriculum: Kurdish Returns to Public Life in Syria

The interim Damascus administration’s decision of 28 August 2026 adds Kurdish to the curricula of public and private schools in Kurdish-populated areas as a national language. The move is seen as the beginning of a new era for a language excluded from education, publishing, and public life for decades.

Decision date 28 August 2026
Scope Public and private schools in Kurdish-populated areas
Historical background Language, identity, and citizenship policies from the 1920s to the present

01 / What is at the centre of the decision?

The new regulation does not treat Kurdish merely as an elective or symbolic activity. Kurdish grades will count toward students’ overall academic average, and the language is defined as one of the core subjects. Teacher selection will also require Kurdish specialisation and written and oral proficiency examinations.

28 August 2026 · Ministry of Education Decision

For the first time in modern Syrian history, Kurdish is becoming part of the official education system.

Apart from the limited cultural freedom of the French Mandate period, Kurdish was largely excluded from education and public life under post-independence state policies.

3 hours Weekly Kurdish classes An average of three class hours per week will be allocated to Kurdish lessons.
1 hour Cultural activity One additional class hour per week will be allocated to Kurdish social and cultural activities.
Graded Included in overall average The Kurdish course grade will be added to students’ overall academic average.
Tested Teacher qualification Prospective teachers will take written and oral tests to demonstrate Kurdish proficiency.

Teaching requirement / Specialisation

Teachers of Kurdish must be university graduates or graduates of teacher-training institutes, with specialisation in Kurdish.

Where necessary / Temporary solution

When qualified teachers are unavailable, high-school graduates proficient in Kurdish may also be permitted to teach.

02 / Before the decision: Four historical thresholds

Rather than a conventional timeline, this section focuses on four periods that shaped Kurdish’s public status: limited cultural space, state-led exclusion, the spread of bans into daily life, and the de facto education system that emerged after the war began.

1920–1946

Limited cultural space under the Mandate

During the French Mandate, Kurdish intellectuals had a relatively broader space for organisation and publishing. Celadet Ali Bedirxan’s Hawar journal, published from 1932 to 1943, helped develop a Latin alphabet-based writing system for Kurmanji.

1946–1977

Arab nationalism and exclusion

After independence, the state’s official identity was built around Arabness. The 1962 al-Hasakah census stripped thousands of Kurds of citizenship; from 1973, the Arab Belt Project was implemented and Kurdish place names were Arabised.

1980–2011

Bans spread into everyday life

Kurdish use was restricted in schools, workplaces, publishing, and cultural events. Kurdish names, signs, books, and music faced administrative oversight, bans, and the risk of criminal penalties.

2011–2026

From de facto education to official status

After 2011, Kurdish entered the education system in northeast Syria alongside Arabic and Syriac. The model was not recognised nationally, but the 2026 decision makes Kurdish part of the central education system for the first time.

03 / It was more than a ban on a language

Language policy was part of a broader system designed to limit the public visibility of Kurdish identity.

Repression of Kurdish in Syria was not only about the language used in textbooks or government offices. Denaturalisation, displacement, changes to place names, rejection of personal names, control of publishing, and restrictions on cultural activities were interconnected policies. In this framework, speaking, writing, or teaching Kurdish was often treated not as a cultural right but as an issue of security and “separatism.”

E

Barrier to mother-tongue education

Kurdish was not a language of instruction in state schools for decades, and private Kurdish educational institutions could not be opened.

C

Loss of citizenship

The 1962 census produced statelessness that limited tens of thousands of Kurds’ access to education and public services.

P

Spatial memory

Changing Kurdish village and town names erased the language’s traces in geography from official records.

P

Pressure on publishing and culture

Books, magazines, music, and cultural activities were restricted through censorship, confiscation, and the threat of investigation.

Conclusion

The 2026 decision is a historic threshold, but it does not mean that language equality has been achieved.

Bringing Kurdish into the education system is a clear break with the former policy of open prohibition and denial. Yet the decision does not grant Kurdish official-language status equal to Arabic, and it limits implementation to Kurdish-populated areas. Its durability will depend on teacher and curriculum capacity, the possibility of using Kurdish in universities and public institutions, and how the consequences of past citizenship exclusion are addressed.

Sources

  • Kerim Yıldız, The Kurds in Syria: The Forgotten People
  • Human Rights Watch, Syria: The Silenced Kurds
  • Kurdish Initiative for Syria, Persecution and Discrimination against Kurdish Citizens in Syria
  • Syrians for Truth and Justice, How the 1962 Census Destroyed Stateless Kurds’ Lives and Identities
  • Syrians for Truth and Justice, Curricula in Afrin: Between “Turkification” and Restrictions on the Kurdish Language
  • North Press Agency, Multi-language Curriculum in Northeast Syria Lacks Official Recognition
  • Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA)
  • Kurdistan24
SDF Dissolved

Ilham Ahmed: New mission in Damascus

In a press conference in Damascus after meeting with Syria’s interim President Shara, DSG General Commander Mazlum Abdi announced the end of the DSG’s mission as a military force and the completion of the integration process into the brigades within the Syrian army.

Mazlum Abdi, Ilham Ahmed and a delegation visited Ahmed al-Shara in Damascus.

Ilham Ahmed, Co-Chairman of the Department of Foreign Relations for Northern and Eastern Syria, and Mazlum Abdi, General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), met in Damascus with Syrian Foreign Minister Assad Shaybani and subsequently with interim President Ahmed al-Shara. The meeting with Shara was attended by Syrian Deputy Defense Minister Sîpan Hemo, YPJ General Command Member Newroz Ehmed, as well as Foreign Minister Assad Shaybani and Syrian Presidential Special Representative responsible for the implementation of the January 29 agreement Ziyad al-Ayish.

After the parleys, Abdi held a press conference at the People’s Palace in Damascus and announced the end of the SDF’s mission as a military force. Stating that an important page in Syria’s history has closed, Abdi announced that the process of integration into the brigades within the Syrian army has been completed. Stating that the new era should be shaped on the basis of “peace, stability and the reconstruction of the country”, Abdi said, “Following the agreement reached with President Ahmed al-Shara and the completion of the integration process of our forces into the brigades within the Syrian army, today we declare with a sense of responsibility that we are ending the mission of the Syrian Democratic Forces and dissolving it as an independent military force.”

Stating that the SDF has assumed great responsibility in one of the most difficult periods in Syria since its establishment, Abdi said that QSD fighters liberated many cities and regions first from the Baath regime and then from ISIS. “We will not forget the sacrifices of the martyrs. They fought not to fight, but for a day when Syrians will no longer have to fight.” Abdi emphasized that the new era should be the beginning of the transition from the battlefields to the reconstruction sites and from the era of weapons to the era of peace.

Reminding that the Kurdish people have been struggling for the right to education in their mother tongue for decades, Abdi said that President of the transitional government Ahmed al-Shara has made several statements to protect this right. “This year we will work to implement this decision and in the near future we will be able to build on it,” Abdi said, adding that they demanded the Damascus administration to take a clear stance on the right to education in the mother tongue and to develop the existing decision in the future.

What kind of Syria?

Stating that Syria must be a country for Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Assyrians, Turkmens and all other peoples and components, Abdi said: “The Syria we want to build is a Syria for all its peoples and components. A united and secure Syria must protect the rights and dignity of all citizens and offer a better future for new generations.” Abdi ended his speech by commemorating those who lost their lives within the SDF.

Barrack: There should be education in Kurdish

US Ambassador to Turkey and Special Envoy for Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack, in a statement on his X account regarding the dissolution announcement of the SDF, described the dissolution decision as a historic development and said, “By paving the way for the orderly integration of the SDF into Syrian state institutions, it has transformed a past division into a lasting partnership and restored the opportunity for the Syrian people to shape their shared future” Tom Barrack,

“Recognizing the Kurdish language in education and giving our valued partners Mazlum Abdi and Ilham Ahmed important roles in the Syrian government is a sign of respect for their leadership, the sacrifices of our Kurdish partners and their constructive contribution to regional stability. Thus, yesterday’s divisions are transformed into tomorrow’s common purpose,” he said.

Shara met with Ahmed from YPJ

Speaking to The Amargi after Barrack’s announcement that Abdi and Ahmed had been given important positions, Ilham Ahmed told The Amargi that she and Abdi had been appointed to “new positions within the Syrian state”. However, the Syrian interim government has not yet made an official statement on the issue.

On the other hand, YPJ Command member Newroz Ehmed met with Syrian Interim President Ahmed al-Shara.

Newroz Ehmed, a member of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) Command, and Syrian Interim President Ahmed al-Shara met in the Syrian capital Damascus. During the meeting, it was stated that the files related to the YPJ within the scope of the January 29 Agreement and the next step to be taken in the implementation of the agreement were discussed.

Seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım suffers heart attack

The release of seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım has been postponed for the third time by the Prison Administration and Observation Board. Following the board hearing, Yıldırım suffered a heart attack, underwent an angiogram, and had two stents fitted in his heart.


Held at İzmir Kırıklar No. 1 F-Type Closed Prison, Mehmet Sait Yıldırım (75), a seriously ill prisoner who has spent 33 years behind bars, has had his release blocked for a third time by the Prison Administration and Observation Board.

According to his lawyers, Yıldırım suffered a heart attack on August 24 after appearing before the Prison Administration and Observation Board. He was taken to hospital and yesterday (August 25) underwent an angiogram, during which two stents were placed in his heart.

According to bianet’s report, Yıldırım’s lawyers, Aryen Turan and Ali İhsan Güven, met with him for five minutes at around 4:40 p.m. today in the Coronary Intensive Care Unit on the 6th floor of İzmir City Hospital.

According to information conveyed to bianet by lawyer Ali İhsan Güven, Yıldırım appeared before the Administration and Observation Board at around 10:00 a.m. on August 24. Güven said the hearing was tense, adding that Yıldırım was once again pressured to “show remorse,” as in previous board hearings, and that an argument ensued.

Güven said that after Yıldırım returned to his cell he suffered a heart attack, and that he was transferred to hospital after his cellmate, Rohat Caruş, alerted prison staff.

According to Güven, Yıldırım was first taken to a hospital in Buca but, because it had no ward for prisoners, he was transferred to İzmir City Hospital. At around 11:00 a.m. yesterday he underwent an angiogram and had two stents fitted in his heart. According to bianet’s report, one of the main arteries leading to his heart was blocked, and Yıldırım narrowly survived a serious, life-threatening condition. Lawyer Güven said his health was now stable and that they had been told he could be discharged today.

According to his lawyers, Yıldırım’s release has been postponed for another three months.

Yıldırım: “Be honest and hang me”

Güven also told bianet that during the board hearing, Yıldırım had said the following:

The State Security Court sentenced me to death. It was commuted to life imprisonment. Now you, as the board, want to carry out the death sentence handed down by the State Security Court. Be honest, build a gallows here in the morning and hang me.

His release had already been postponed twice

Mehmet Sait Yıldırım was detained in 1993 on charges of PKK membership and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1995. Suffering from cardiovascular disease, COPD, hypertension, and other chronic conditions, he is classified among the seriously ill prisoners, and despite his grave health problems he has remained in prison for 33 years.

During the 2013–2015 peace process, Yıldırım was part of a five-member group of prisoners formed at the request of Abdullah Öcalan and publicly known as the “İmralı secretariat.” Owing to his health problems, he stayed on İmralı Island for only nine days before being transferred to another prison. He later recounted his experiences in a book titled Nine Days on İmralı. He spent a significant part of his imprisonment in a single-person cell, held in isolation.

Although Mehmet Sait Yıldırım’s prison term ended on February 27, 2025, he was not released, with the Prison Administration and Observation Board citing that he was not of “good conduct” and “showed no remorse.” Reconvening on November 25, the board once again blocked his release. It set a date nine months later (August 25, 2026) for the next assessment.

After his release was postponed for a second time in November, Yıldırım gave the following statement to bianet through his lawyer Demirer:

“My death sentence, which I received in 1996, was commuted to life imprisonment. After 30 years, I should have been released by now, but they won’t let me go. My release is being postponed for a second time on the pretext that I am not of good conduct. I said it when I appeared before the board too, in effect, you want to carry out the death sentence. If you are so determined to apply the death penalty, be honest: take me out to the yard and hang me on the gallows. Let me know I was sentenced to death, and you, too, say it openly, ‘we executed him.’”

Ayşegül Doğan’s parliamentary question

DEM Party Şırnak MP and Party Spokesperson Ayşegül Doğan submitted a written parliamentary question to the Speaker’s Office on July 28, to be answered by Justice Minister Akın Gürlek, concerning prisoner Yıldırım, whose health has been steadily deteriorating.

In her applications and in the question submitted to Parliament, Doğan noted that Yıldırım, who has not been released even though his conditional release period expired months ago, suffers from numerous chronic illnesses including heart disease, COPD, hypertension, and lung ailments, and that a blood clot had formed in his right eye in early July. The question stated that Yıldırım had been subjected to a demand for examination while handcuffed during his transfer, that his treatment had been delayed, and that his vision problems were ongoing.

Doğan also applied to the Parliamentary Human Rights Inquiry Commission, requesting answers on whether Yıldırım’s release would be reassessed, whether an investigation had been launched into the alleged handcuffed examination during his hospital transfer, and the number of ill prisoners whose release has been postponed on “good conduct” grounds. She further called for an on-site review of Yıldırım’s health conditions, a determination of whether it is medically appropriate for him to remain in prison, and the assurance of uninterrupted access to health services.


Kurds are being abducted in Raqqa, tortured and forced to flee

Unidentified individuals in Raqqa are abducting Kurds and demanding money from their families. These individuals take those they abduct to unknown locations and subject them to severe torture. As a result, tens of thousands of Kurdish families have been forced to flee Raqqa.

A view from Raqqa during the period it was under SDF control, Photo: Hawarnews

Some time ago, at around 11:00 a.m., Elî Mihemed was abducted in front of his home in Raqqa. When Mihemed stepped outside, he saw several people waiting for him in a black car with no license plate. These men were armed and resembled those who have recently been abducting Kurds in Raqqa. They ordered Mihemed to come with them. Making him leave behind his belongings and his phone, they put him in the car and took him away.

Mihemed is just one of nearly 10 people abducted in Raqqa over the past month and a half.

According to eyewitnesses and sources in Raqqa familiar with the matter, the group in question has for some time been operating at around 11:00 a.m., using the same method by which they abducted Mihemed. They subject those they abduct to severe torture, photograph them, send the photos to their families, and demand money from them.

According to the information available, all of those abducted are Kurds.

According to information given to Niha+ by two witnesses to the events in Raqqa, many Kurdish families have left the city since the abductions began. According to the sources, they allege that the aim of this is to cleanse Raqqa of Kurds.

Citing security concerns, these sources did not want their names disclosed. For the same reason, we have also changed the names of those who were abducted.

70 percent of the Kurdish neighborhood has fled

Raqqa lies in northern Syria on the banks of the Euphrates River. A strategic city, Raqqa is located 160 km east of Aleppo. It has been home to many civilizations.

Between 2014 and 2017 the city was under the control of ISIS, which described it as its “capital.” In 2017 the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), with the support of U.S. forces, liberated it from ISIS. Thousands of ISIS members surrendered. Those who surrendered were placed in camps.

Raqqa city map

Raqqa remained under SDF control until January 2026, but at the end of 2025 and the beginning of 2026, following attacks on the Kurdish neighborhoods of Aleppo and on Rojava, it was handed over to the interim Damascus administration.

According to the census conducted between 2011 and 2021, close to 60,000 Kurds lived in Raqqa. However, in the process that began after the Syrian war, many Kurds were forced to migrate from there. When the SDF took control of Raqqa, some of them returned. With the clashes at the start of 2026, it is reported that all the residents of the city’s Kurdish neighborhood fled. Afterward, some returned to the homes they had abandoned.

With the recent abductions, 70 percent of the Kurds in that same neighborhood have been forced to flee. In the past, Raqqa as a whole was estimated to have a Kurdish population of 40 percent and an Arab population of 60 percent. At present, however, the proportion of Kurds remaining in the city is reported to be between 5 and 10 percent.

“They say the Kurds are guests here”

After being abducted, Mahmûd Derwîş was released once he paid the money demanded of him. He, too, left Raqqa after his release, like the others. His abductors had threatened him, saying either you leave the city, or we kill you.

Some of those abducted are threatened with the abduction of their family members.

A significant portion of those who flee are forced to sell their goods and property at far below their value. Derwîş, too, had to sell his house, worth 60,000 dollars, for 40,000 dollars.

One of the sources who did not want to be named said that people are selling their shops, their harvests, and their cars and leaving Raqqa: “People think, ‘Let me lose my property rather than my life.’”

According to another source, the thinking of those carrying this out is that “the Kurds are guests here” and that they should therefore migrate away.

Recalling the “Arab Belt” project of the Baath regime era, under which Arabs were settled in Kurdish areas, the same source noted that what is being done now is similar to it. He said the aim behind it is to bring about a demographic change in the areas where Kurds live.

According to information provided by this source, in the past week to ten days three more people in Raqqa have been contacted and asked to leave the city.

What is the interim government doing?

One source says that only a single group is carrying this out, while another says there are two or three separate groups.

According to the allegations, these individuals identify themselves as members of the security forces (asayish), and for this reason they claim that no one can interfere with them.

These individuals call people from hidden numbers or from foreign country numbers.

When they abduct someone, they demand close to 250,000 dollars. However, some are only able to escape their hands for 20,000 or 30,000 dollars.

The money in question is sent through a digital currency system called Sham Cash. This is a system that the interim Damascus administration has accepted for paying the salaries of its civil servants.

As thousands of public-sector workers in Syria tried to collect their salaries this April, ahead of the Eid al-Fitr holiday, many found that they could not access a faulty application they had been asked to download a few months earlier.

The application, called Sham Cash, has become the Syrian government’s preferred method for distributing salaries, paying bills, and transferring money. But users say the app does not work, and experts say it is far from secure.


Made mandatory for public-sector workers, the Sham Cash app raises urgent concerns about digital security.

In January, Syrian public-sector workers were quietly instructed to download an app called “Sham Cash” in order to receive their salaries.

The Sham Cash app can only be downloaded from its own website and is not available in the iOS store (App Store). This means the app is not secure, because it has not passed the strict security-verification tests that apps listed in official stores must undergo.

Reports that appeared in the press in January also indicate that the app is linked to transfers coming from the “Cham Bank” in Idlib — an internationally unrecognized currency exchange registered in Turkey. Funds transferred through Sham Cash do not pass through the Central Bank of Syria or the global banking system.

By April, the app had been made entirely mandatory. But it is overshadowed by technical failures, questionable financial links, and an alarming lack of transparency. As frustration grew among users, SMEX’s Digital Forensics Unit investigated what was actually happening behind the scenes.

The unknown developer behind Sham Cash

The absence of any publicly available information about the company behind Sham Cash raises serious concerns about transparency and accountability. Because there is no known or officially registered developer, there is no party to be held responsible in cases of data breaches, fraud, or financial loss.

The app also contains no clearly stated Terms of Use, Privacy Policy, or any indication of legal jurisdiction, which makes seeking legal recourse nearly impossible.

Because Sham Cash has no connection to any legal or verifiable company, its security protocols cannot be assessed. This significantly increases the risk that malware or spyware could compromise users’ devices.

Since it has no officially registered owner, the misuse or sale of sensitive user data, including personal information, financial details, and transaction histories, cannot be tracked or audited.

A source who provided information to Niha+ noted that this app is one accepted by the interim Damascus administration, so when money is sent through it, the government ought to be able to trace it.

A committee has been formed

According to the information available, a three-member committee has been formed to deal with the matter and find solutions to the problems facing Kurds in Raqqa. According to information provided by this committee, 4,000 families have so far fled Raqqa. Some of them went to Kobanê, and others to Hasakah.

One source claims that the number of those abducted and threatened is far higher. According to this source, some do not share their cases publicly because they do not want their names made known.

Xanzad: The forgotten first all-female Kurdish rock band

Founded in Erbil in 1980, Xanzad was the first known all-female rock band in Kurdistan and Iraq. Formed under the leadership of Kurdish musician Wirya Ahmed, the group left its mark on both the music world and society with songs like “Mina My Life Mina,” “Khan Amiry,” and “Hop Zindan.”

Photo: thejiyanarchives.com

Founded in Erbil in 1980, Xanzad went down in history as the first known all-female rock band in Kurdistan and Iraq. Formed under the leadership of Kurdish musician Wirya Ahmed, who began by training young women, the group was at the time the only all-female music ensemble performing in Kurdistan.

With members including lead vocalist Viyan Fiaq and flutist Naska Ezadin, Xanzad made both a musical and social impact with songs like “Mina My Life Mina,” “Khan Amiry,” and “Hop Zindan.” The group recorded for Kirkuk Television and performed at festivals across Iraq.

At a time when artistic activity was restricted under the pressure of the Iran–Iraq War and the Ba’ath regime, Xanzad’s presence in public life was seen as remarkable. The band disbanded not long after: some members went abroad, while others gave up music altogether. Today, very few recordings or images of Xanzad survive.

Kurdish seasonal workers attacked in Zonguldak and Düzce

Footage has emerged of an attack on over 70 Kurdish seasonal workers who traveled from Şırnak to Zonguldak. DEM Party MP Newroz Uysal released a statement following the social media footage, confirming that judicial proceedings have been initiated. Shortly after, a similar attack on Kurdish seasonal workers was reported in Düzce.

More than 70 Kurdish workers from the Cizre and Silopi districts of Şırnak, who went to work as seasonal hazelnut harvesters in the Bektaşlı village of Alaplı, Zonguldak, have been under attack for two days. Footage of the assault was widely shared on social media.

DEM Party Şırnak MP Newroz Uysal Aslan issued a statement in response to the footage and growing public concern. She stated that she received information about the attack yesterday evening. After the workers made contact with the party this morning (August 23), she held talks with the Zonguldak Governorship and the Alaplı District Governorship.

They were attacked twice

Aslan shared that during her conversation with the workers, she was informed that gendarmerie forces had intervened to ensure their safety. However, she noted that the workers were attacked once again in the evening while returning from the fields.

In her statement, Aslan pointed out that despite the presence of gendarmerie forces at the scene in the public video clips, they failed to prevent the attack. She stressed that the physical safety of the workers and their families must be secured immediately and effectively.

Judicial process initiated

According to the statement, an investigation into the attack has been launched by the Alaplı Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office.

Noting that seasonal agricultural workers travel hundreds of kilometers to Zonguldak to earn a living, Aslan stated, “Ensuring the physical safety of our people is the responsibility of public authorities.” She affirmed that they would closely monitor the process to ensure the security of the workers and their families, a thorough investigation into all aspects of the attack, and the prevention of similar incidents in the future.

*Footage surfaced on social media

Another attack reported in Düzce

Following the racist attack targeting Kurdish seasonal workers in Zonguldak, a similar incident occurred in Düzce. Kurdish workers who traveled from Mardin to the Cumayeri and Gümüşova districts of Düzce told the Mezopotamya Agency (MA) that they were targeted at their residence.

Speaking to MA, the workers expressed deep anxiety over the assault and mentioned that they were considering leaving the area.

*Images of the attack in Düzce, Photo: MA

The workers explained that the attack occurred in the evening while they were sitting in the yard of their house, reporting that a group approached their home and pulled knives on them.

Mourning on the solution’s eve

The possibility of social peace has been discussed for two years, and various steps have been taken. However, the mourning at Koşuyolu Park reminds us that the past is not completely behind us.

Photo: Yekta Armanc Hatipoğlu / niha+

The city is quite still for a Friday. Yet, upon entering Koşuyolu Park, it is as if the entire movement of the city has flowed here. Hundreds of people, families of guerrillas, their friends, comrades…

Small groups of people are in different areas of the park. Some are talking to each other, some are showing others something on their phone, and others sit quietly for a long time. Despite the mobility in the area, there are no loud conversations.

The news of guerrillas who had earlier lost their lives was received these days. They are being mourned these days, when the possibility of social peace is being discussed.

Mass condolence gatherings were held in İstanbul, Van, Diyarbakır, Mardin, and many other places. Among them was Koşuyolu Park in Diyarbakır’s Bağlar district. Condolence ceremonies for 49 PKK members were held there.

Diyarbakır, in the last two years since peace was discussed, is more hopeful than in previous periods. However, there is also doubt. The insecurity created in past years, the state’s delayed steps, and the fact that politicians, especially Selahattin Demirtaş, are still being held in prison add doubt to the hope.

Almost two years have passed since the President of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), Devlet Bahçeli, shook hands with Tuncer Bakırhan, the Co-President of the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Parti), in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) on October 1, 2024.

Most recently, on August 10th, the “Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration,” publicly known as the “Framework Law,” was accepted by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and published in the Official Gazette on August 18th.

Those who come to the condolence tents visit the families, then move on to other parts of the park. Food is distributed from hand to hand. Those present take on a part of the necessary tasks.

Almost everyone has the same dignified expression on their faces. While condolences are offered to the families, alongside the sorrow, gratitude for the struggle their children endured is also palpable.

Families sit at a table, with photos of their children in front of them and a rose in front of each photo, accepting condolences amid chants of “Şehîd Namirin.” In a covered area featuring banners reading “Em şehîdên azadiyê bi bîr tînin,” signed by MEBYA-DER, and “Our martyrs are our honor,” in a covered area.

The photographs standing side by side depict different faces and different life stories, yet they are all united by the same struggle.

The police are there, too. Armored vehicles marked “TEM,” water cannons, police buses… Unlike what we’ve been used to in previous years, they’re waiting a little “further back.” Despite this, there’s a stark contrast between the armored vehicles and the condolence gathering inside the park. On one side, the state’s law enforcement apparatus; on the other, tables where families who have lost their children are sitting.

The possibility of social peace has been discussed for two years, and various steps have been taken. However, the mourning at Koşuyolu Park serves as a reminder that the past has not been fully left behind.

Photos: Yekta Armanc Hatipoğlu / Niha+

First harvest at the Women's Commune Urban Gardens

“Women must be directly involved in production”

The first harvest has taken place at the Women’s Commune Urban Gardens, launched by the municipality in Diyarbakır. Zozan Halil Müslüm, one of the women growing produce in the gardens, and Özden Gürbüz Sümer, Head of the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality’s Department of Women’s Policies, spoke about their experiences.

Photos: Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality

The first harvest at the Women’s Commune Urban Gardens, launched by Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality, took place last week. Women gathered the vegetables and plants they had grown.

Established under the leadership of the Directorate for Strengthening the Women’s Economy, which operates within the Department of Women’s Policies, the gardens aim to strengthen the women’s economy, preserve local seed varieties, and promote ecological production.

The gardens are located on the grounds of the Directorate of Rural Services, in the Talaytepe neighborhood of Kayapınar district.

We spoke with Zozan Halil Müslüm, one of the women growing produce in the gardens, and Özden Gürbüz Sümer, Head of the Department of Women’s Policies, about the Women’s Commune Urban Gardens.

“The city of women needs to grow stronger”

Zozan Halil Müslüm began by saying: “I learned about the Women’s Life Centers and the support offered there. I saw that it wasn’t just about the garden — there were also activities like sports and self-defense. As I got to know the other women, I came to feel that the city of women, and our presence as women, needed to come forward and grow stronger. That’s why I joined the Women’s Commune Urban Garden.”

Müslüm said that together they had planted peppers, eggplants, tomatoes, cucumbers, gherkins, and okra, as well as “medicinal plants” such as thyme, lavender, mint, and rosemary. She said that as women, they were meeting their vegetable needs in a natural and fresh way, and that they took the produce home with them.

“We pickle it, we dry it, and we use it fresh in our cooking. We’re also able to make products like oils and creams from the medicinal plants,” said Müslüm, adding that what happens in the gardens isn’t just about growing and harvesting produce.

“At the same time, we’re learning to respect each other’s ideas and decisions, and to make decisions together. As women, we’re strengthening our own will. Because we’re learning, together, how to live communally. Society has drifted away from its own essence, and people have become increasingly individualistic. As women, we’ll do whatever it takes to help society return to its essence.”

Müslüm closed by saying that opening spaces like this one is essential, that she feels lucky to be part of such a project, and that she always wants to be involved in this kind of work.

“We’re building a shared space of production”

Özden Gürbüz Sümer, Head of the Department of Women’s Policies, said that as a local government with a democratic and women’s-liberationist perspective, they do not see the city merely as a collection of buildings, roads, and the services tied to them. How the city is governed, how it is reproduced, where its food comes from, and women’s place within that process of production all matter to them as well. Sümer said the Women’s Commune Urban Garden is part of that broader approach:

“We wanted to create a space where women could rebuild their relationship with the land, with production, and with their own labor. What matters to us here isn’t just growing vegetables. It’s creating a space where shared production, shared decision-making, and shared distribution are possible.”

Sümer said the garden does not operate through individual plots — the space is held in common, and production is carried out collectively. She explained that women work together at every stage, from planting to tending to harvesting, and make decisions about production together as well:

“We’re building a model where no individual woman owns a particular plot or a particular crop — where what’s produced is treated as collective output. Because of that, the garden itself becomes a space where the experience of producing and deciding together actually happens.”

Sümer said the priority is for what’s grown to go first toward meeting the needs of the women and their households, and that preparations are also underway to set up a market space where any surplus, or produce the women wish to sell, can be offered. “This way, women will be able to sell what they’ve grown directly, in this space. The goal here is to create a setting where women can determine the value of their own produce themselves, and actually be compensated for their labor,” she said.

“We don’t approach production here with individual profit at the center. Our priority is sustaining collective production and making sure the value it generates feeds back into further production. At the same time, it matters that there’s a space where women can choose, of their own will, to sell any surplus they produce. So we want to do both — preserve the ethic of shared production and distribution, while also creating opportunities for women to benefit economically from what they grow.”

“Women must be directly involved in production”

Sümer said their aim is to create a space where women don’t just take part in production, but have a say at every stage of it.

“Especially in agriculture, women are present as labor — in the fields, or in processing the crop — but they’re almost entirely absent from decision-making, from selling the product, and from earning income directly from it. In other words, there’s a very serious exploitation of women’s labor happening in this sector. Making women’s labor visible matters in that sense, but we’re not limiting ourselves to that. We want women directly involved in production knowledge, in the land itself, and in the economic process. With that perspective, in the commune urban garden, women are learning agricultural technique on one hand, while experiencing commune economics — both in theory and in practice — on the other. They’re also taking part in collective training workshops that build awareness around gender equality, as a way of strengthening themselves individually.”

“We’ll keep developing our commune work”

Asked what the process of running the garden has shown them, Sümer said:

“The process has shown us that women have a genuine, strong interest in producing collectively. As they worked together in the garden, we saw women sharing their own experience and production knowledge with one another. That’s why we don’t see the garden as a finished project, we see it as a space we keep developing through producing and experiencing it together.”

She said that as coverage of the garden has spread, they’ve begun receiving a great deal of interest and response from people living in the city — including people who want to join the work, come see the garden, or buy the natural produce being grown there.

Sümer said they see this interest as significant, because it points to a strong, existing appetite in the city for local production and natural food. She said they plan to open the space to visitors before long, so that residents can see the garden firsthand, learn about the production process, and witness the women’s experience of collective production up close.

Sümer said the seedlings planted in the gardens are grown from local seed varieties prepared by the Metropolitan Municipality’s Directorate of Rural Services, meaning that protecting local seed stock and bringing it back into production has been part of the garden’s process from the very beginning.

She closed with the following:

“What we’ve learned from the garden will feed directly into our future work. In fact, the production work we run at our Women’s Life Centers already follows this same approach. We have textile production groups, a medicinal and aromatic plants production group, and epoxy and recycling production groups. In all of these, we run things the same way — women producing together, deciding together on the production process, and evaluating what comes out of it through a shared, collective understanding. The garden is this same approach applied to a different field of production. Going forward, we’ll keep developing commune-based work built on women’s own labor and knowledge, grounded in shared production and shared distribution.”

Taliban's fifth year brings new law

In Afghanistan, men are now officially women’s “rulers”

Afghanistan’s Taliban government, now five years in power, has issued a new law declaring obedience to its leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, mandatory and vesting sole authority over decisions on jihad in him alone. The law defines men as women’s “rulers” and instructs women to “please” their husbands and thank them for the favors done for them.

Photo: AWNA

The Taliban’s Ministry of Justice published the new law, titled “Nisab-e Muballighin” (Curriculum for Preachers), on Sunday, August 16. Approved by Akhundzada and comprising six chapters, the document obligates men to ensure the women under their authority comply with the Taliban’s prescribed dress codes. It also defines men as women’s “rulers” and states that women must “please” their husbands.

In its August 16 announcement, the Ministry of Justice said the “Curriculum for Preachers” had taken effect — consisting of an introduction and six chapters — following Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada’s approval, and had been published in the official gazette.

The law addresses a wide range of subjects, from religious obligations and worship to jihad, obedience to the Taliban leader, marriage, women’s rights, and the hijab.

Provisions on marriage and women

In the section titled “The Rights of Husband and Wife,” women are instructed to obey their husbands “in matters pertaining to sharia.” The law defines the husband as the wife’s “ruler” and instructs women to “please” their husbands and thank them for the favors done for them. In return, husbands are obligated to provide for their wives’ food, clothing, and housing needs and to pay their dowries (mahr).

The law permits men to marry more than one woman, while stating that husbands must “treat their wives justly.”

In the section titled “Women’s General Rights,” it states that no one should oppress or coerce a woman. It notes that an adult woman’s consent is required for marriage, and that a woman must not be handed over to another family as “baad” to settle a dispute.

Baad refers to the practice of giving a woman or girl to another family as compensation for a dispute or crime.

Under the law, a widow is not obligated to marry her deceased husband’s brother. It states that a widow retains the right to receive a dowry from any subsequent husband she marries, and that a woman has inheritance rights over the property of her husband, children, father, and other relatives.

In the curriculum’s section on “veiling and the hijab,” men are made responsible for ensuring that the women under their authority comply with the Taliban’s dress requirements in the presence of men outside the family.

Promoting jihad and obedience

Jihad is one of the central themes of the new curriculum, used here in the sense of religious struggle or armed religious war.

Taliban religious officials are instructed to teach the public the definition, purpose, and virtues of jihad, and to explain the qualities and conduct expected of a mujahid. Religious officials are also directed to encourage people to prepare for jihad and to support fighters.

The document describes being wounded or killed in jihad as a “virtue,” and instructs religious officials to encourage people toward “martyrdom.” The curriculum also calls for teaching the public religious obligations such as prayer, fasting, ablution, ritual bathing, pilgrimage, zakat, and ushr. It also calls for warning people about the punishments they may face for failing to fulfill certain religious duties.

The law makes obedience to the Taliban’s supreme leader mandatory. The document states that obedience to the emir is required “even if he is not a righteous person.” It states that authority over matters related to jihad belongs to the leader, defined as the “Imam (Commander of the Faithful),” and that no one may act on such matters without consulting the emir and obtaining his approval.

The Taliban’s record on women’s rights

This new regulation comes as the Taliban marks the fifth anniversary of its return to power. Numerous human rights organizations and the United Nations have called on the Taliban to lift restrictions on women and girls and to respect their rights.

Restrictions imposed by the Taliban on women’s and girls’ education and employment, limits on media freedom, and strict social regulations are counted among the outcomes of the Taliban’s five years in power. Women in particular have been largely barred from access to secondary and higher education. Women also face severe restrictions on participation in employment and public life. These practices have drawn extensive criticism both within Afghanistan and internationally.

The Taliban has previously issued numerous laws and decrees targeting many areas of women’s private and social lives. The “Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice,” approved and published in the official gazette in 2024, introduced sweeping regulations on women’s clothing, presence in public spaces, voices, freedom of movement, and the requirement of a male chaperone (mahram). The law also granted various powers to morality police officers to intervene against behavior deemed “vice.”

In 2026, the “Regulation on the Separation of Spouses” also came to the fore. Taliban officials stated that the document was prepared to guide judges handling family disputes and requests for separation. The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) raised concerns over some of the document’s possible implications, including regarding child marriage and women’s consent in marriage.

In addition, the Taliban’s “Criminal Procedure Code for Taliban Courts,” sent for implementation within the judicial system, has also drawn criticism from human rights organizations. These organizations have flagged concerns in the document regarding arbitrary punishments, violations of fundamental freedoms, and the right to a fair trial.

Restrictions on women under Taliban rule: A 2021–2026 timeline

The Taliban, who seized power in August 2021, have since issued dozens of decrees targeting women and girls. Not a single one has been reversed.

2021

August 2021

Co-education was banned, and male teachers were barred from teaching girls. Girls’ return to secondary school was effectively blocked.

September 2021

The Ministry of Women’s Affairs was abolished and replaced by the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. Women with jobs were ordered to stay home “until further notice.”

December 2021

Women were banned from traveling more than 72 km without a mahram (male guardian). Public transport operators were made responsible for enforcing the directive.

2022

March 2022

Women were banned from traveling abroad without a mahram. Girls’ schools, reopened only hours earlier, were shut again, with a firm ban imposed on girls in 7th grade and above.

May 2022

Women were required to wear a burqa covering the entire body except the eyes when in public. Use of public transport without a mahram was banned, and issuance of driving licenses to women was halted.

July 2022

Female employees were told to send a male relative to work in their place in order to keep receiving a salary. Female flight attendants were dismissed.

August 2022

A morality police force targeting women was established. Gender segregation in universities was formalized, and female students were ordered to cover their faces on campus.

November 2022

Women were banned from entering public gyms, bathhouses, parks, and amusement parks.

December 2022

Women were completely banned from attending university. Female staff at international and local NGOs were dismissed, with organizations warned their licenses would be revoked otherwise. In response, several international aid organizations, including Save the Children, the Norwegian Refugee Council, and CARE, suspended their operations.

2023

March 2023

Thousands of divorces granted by courts under the former republic were declared invalid.

April 2023

Afghan women working for UN agencies were banned from their jobs. In Herat, women and families were barred from restaurants with gardens or open-air seating.

July 2023

Beauty salons were shut down nationwide, costing thousands of women their livelihoods.

October 2023

Schools in Kandahar were notified in writing that the burqa was now the only acceptable form of covering.

2024

March 2024

Taliban leader Akhundzada announced that the public stoning of women would be reinstated.

August 2024

The “Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice” (35 articles) came into force. It formalized all existing restrictions and barred women’s voices from being audibly heard in public in the presence of “non-mahram” men. Women and men were banned from looking at one another. The ministry was granted powers to detain and punish without judicial oversight.

December 2024

Women were banned from studying nursing and midwifery. Universities were instructed in writing to dismiss all female administrative staff.

2025

January 2025

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Taliban leader Akhundzada and Chief Justice Haqqani on charges of crimes against humanity.

November 2025

Afghan women were completely banned from working for UN agencies. On the Iranian border, female doctors and midwives were barred from treating patients over the wearing of headscarves.

2026

January 2026

A new Criminal Procedure Regulation took effect, containing provisions that legitimize husbands beating their wives, provided it does not break bones or leave open wounds. The regulation consists of three parts, ten headings, and 119 articles. Notably using the term “golam” (slave), it legalizes violence against women and children.

May 2026

Under Justice Ministry Decree No. 18, a girl’s silence at her marriage ceremony was made to count as consent once she has reached puberty. The new penal code made it a crime for a woman to visit relatives without her husband’s permission.

June 2026

In Laghman and Nangarhar provinces, shopkeepers were told not to sell to women shopping without a mahram, or face having their shops closed and being arrested themselves.

Note: According to UN Women data, not a single decree issued since August 2021 has been reversed. This timeline was compiled from UN Women, Human Rights Watch, Wikipedia, and Hasht-e Subh (8am.media).

Resource: AWNA, KabulNow

Saçak Collective: “You cannot erase us from the streets”

While sex workers and trans women in Taksim are frequently subjected to attacks, threats and harassment against their identities, Saçak Collective, the solidarity network of trans sex worker women, responded to this situation with a statement published on their social media accounts.

Saçak Collective, which defends the rights and solidarity of trans sex workers, issued a strong written statement against the recent violence, harassment and threats against trans women and sex workers in the Taksim area. Addressing the public through social media channels, the collective reiterated their demand: “Attacks, threats and harassment against sex worker women and trans women in Taksim must end!”

“Sex work is not a crime”

In the statement, it was pointed out that trans women and sex workers are targeted because of their identities and labor. It was stated that the targeting and rhetoric such as “We will erase you from here” was not a personal outburst of anger, but rather a clear threat of violence aimed at completely eradicating marginalized groups from the public sphere.

The collective reminded that their existence, sex work and taking part in public sphere cannot be criminalized in any way and gave the following message:

“We were on these streets yesterday and we are on these streets today. We will not be silent against any power that tries to make us invisible, to expel us from the streets, to scare and isolate us. Sex work is not a crime. Being transgender is not a crime. Existing in the public sphere is not a crime. The actual crime is attacking, threatening, harassing women and trans women and trying to erase them from the streets through violence.”

“We will increase solidarity against violence”

Stating that the right to use the streets cannot be left to the initiative of anyone, the collective announced that they will not take threats for granted, they will not leave violence uncovered and they will not allow them to break the bond between women.

The statement concluded with the following decisive statements:

“You will not silence sex workers. You will not erase trans women from the streets. You will not be able to separate us from each other. We will not be afraid, we will not retreat, we will not shut up. We will increase solidarity and organization against violence in every area we are in, particularly Taksim.”

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