Kurdish politician Gültan Kışanak, speaking about creating an inclusive legal system, said, “Change and transformation are at our doorstep. We can no longer continue like this. We need to move forward.”
Gültan Kışanak. Photo: X / @CDDkonferans
Participating in the “Conference on the Democratic Transformation of the Republic in the Second Century,” held on June 13-14, 2026, at the Cem Karaca Cultural Center in Bakırköy Municipality, Istanbul, Kurdish politician Gültan Kışanak asked in her opening speech, “Will we be able to create an inclusive legal system?”
Kışanak, who had various contacts in Europe shortly before the conference, gave Niha+ her assessments regarding both her European trip and the content of her speech at the conference.
Gülten Kışanak, who participated in meetings and events in France and Germany, said that everyone there was asking, “When will the law be passed?” Stating that they asked, “We have prepared our governor. We want to come. They are expressing a longing and yearning for the law to be passed here. At the same time, they are expressing a desire for democratic transformation,” she provided the information.
“Demanding from the government doesn’t get us anywhere”
Regarding the question she raised in her opening speech at the conference, “Can we create an inclusive legal system?”, Kışanak said, “We need to fight for it”:
“If we want something, we can do it. But if we want someone to prepare it and bring it to us tomorrow, that’s not possible. Therefore, if you want something, you have to fight for it, put in the effort, and unleash its social power. I think this state of demanding from the government doesn’t get us anywhere.”
Noting the political challenges in making this happen, Kışanak said, “A change and transformation has arrived at our doorstep. We can no longer continue like this, we cannot carry on. We need to move forward. For this, we, as a society, need to take responsibility and do something. At the same time, there is no shortcut solution. This path is long, difficult, and arduous. We have no option but to walk this path.”
Regarding President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s statement at a program he attended in Edirne on June 12, 2026, where he said, “We have made significant progress on the path to this goal so far. God willing, we will increase our pace a little more,” Gülten Kışanak commented, “There are commitments. We all must follow up on these commitments. Even from the most authoritative sources, from the President himself, there are statements that the law will be passed before the parliament closes. We all now expect this to be done.”
When asked about whether the framework law, which has been the subject of behind-the-scenes discussions, will meet expectations, he said, “We are fighting to ensure it does. Just as we fought to get that commission report written in parliament, we will fight to ensure that this law is passed in a holistic and comprehensive manner.”
Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik and freelance journalist İbrahim Türk spoke about what LGBTI+ journalists experience while doing their jobs in the field and beyond: “Even if I’m subjected to phobic attacks, I won’t give up reporting.”
Fotoğraf: pexel.com
Pride Month is a time when LGBTI+ experiences of violence and discrimination tied to their identities become more visible. Among those who make visible not only Pride-related issues but social events of all kinds throughout the year are LGBTI+ journalists themselves.
While journalists in Turkey already face economic insecurity, police violence, censorship and unemployment, LGBTI+ journalists confront an additional layer of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. A concrete example of this came last February, when Yıldız Tar, editor-in-chief of Kaos GL—Turkey’s oldest and largest LGBTI+ news platform—and a prominent LGBTI+ rights advocate, was detained. In the field, LGBTI+ journalists often become targets for police while reporting, sometimes become “invisible” in job applications and are forced to conceal their identities for safety reasons.
Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik and freelance journalist İbrahim Türk spoke to Niha+ about the discrimination they face in the field and what they expect from professional organizations.
Çelik: “LGBTI+ journalists face ‘compounded discrimination’”
Journalist Yusuf Çelik said that while all journalists already face economic and professional difficulties, queer journalists experience “compounded discrimination” in the field. Çelik said they have faced discriminatory attitudes from police, older male colleagues, and news sources, describing many moments in which they felt rendered invisible.
Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik
Noting that police violence is a shared problem for all journalists, Çelik said the consequences can be more severe for LGBTI+ journalists. “If there’s going to be violence, if there’s going to be an intervention, it’s us, LGBTI+ and women journalists, who are targeted first” they said.
Recalling the “Gezi” commemoration held in Taksim on May 31, 2026, Çelik said a police officer directly singled them out. “There were many journalists there, but the police grabbed my arm and tried to remove me. My colleagues intervened, asking, ‘Why are you touching a journalist?’” they said.
Çelik also said that during their detention in Dersim on July 25, 2025, they faced pressure specifically because of their queer identity, recalling that police made remarks implying they should stop doing this kind of reporting. “There was essentially a push to recruit me as an informant—comments like, ‘Why don’t you just stay out of this? Why don’t you stop doing these kinds of stories?’” they said.
Referring to a detention they experienced on May 1, 2026, Çelik said:
“There was no real justification—the protest had already dispersed—but I was told, ‘Turn off your camera, we’re taking you in,’ and detained. I can’t explain this through journalism alone, because I face things my colleagues don’t, and I think this is deeply tied to my queer identity. On top of that, when we’re detained and can’t work in the field, we go home that day having earned nothing, which puts us under economic strain too. We face a whole series of violations and difficulties like this.”
“There are unspoken ‘buts’”
Çelik have also struggled to find work because of their identity, noting that they have been unemployed for about six to seven months:
“During my job search, even though I spoke with some institutions and journalists, the process went nowhere because of unspoken ‘buts.’ They like my journalism, they know and appreciate the work I do in the field. But I need work, and during the hiring process everyone takes a step back. There are unspoken ‘buts’ there. ‘But you’re a queer journalist,’ ‘but you’re an activist,’ ‘but you can’t separate journalism from being queer’… Even when these things aren’t said out loud, I can feel those ‘buts.’ There’s no other explanation for why someone who is normally out in the field, following the news, and voluntarily sharing their work with institutions would remain unemployed for this long.”
“Even if I face phobia, I won’t give up reporting”
Çelik said that while they haven’t faced direct censorship in covering LGBTI+ news, they have often been kept away from certain assignments. They said they haven’t been assigned to out-of-town stories or coverage of workers’ strikes, with the reasoning usually framed around concerns that “something might happen to them”:
“I’m told, ‘If you go, you’ll face phobic attacks, it’ll be hard for you.’ But the person saying that is, in that moment, actually subjecting me to phobia themselves. Even though I carry an activist identity, when I go out into the field, I go out as Yusuf the journalist. Being LGBTI+ comes after that. This isn’t the first time I’ve been out in the field, and it won’t be the last. I might face hostility from a crowd—that’s understandable, because women journalists experience this too. They don’t give up reporting. Neither will I.”
Çelik also noted that women and LGBTI+ journalists are often not assigned stories like economic news, and said they end up being treated as if they’re not capable—which is part of why they continue working as an independent journalist.
According to Çelik, the discrimination starts the moment they leave the house:
“Everything—how I dress, how I walk, how I talk—gets assigned a gender. Sometimes I’m ‘the LGBTI+ journalist,’ sometimes slurs get used. Some police officers single me out, asking things like ‘isn’t that the gay journalist?’” Çelik also said they regularly face online harassment campaigns, and that in particular, following certain stories, they have been targeted with HIV-related smears. “We have to fight this on the street, at home, and on social media, all at once.”
“We don’t have strong structures to organize through”
Çelik said there are serious gaps in solidarity networks among LGBTI+ journalists. While some of these issues have been discussed at meetings held in Ankara, they said this has not translated into lasting organization.
Assessing the work of professional associations and unions, Çelik said independent and freelance journalists in particular face serious barriers to accessing union rights:
“I’m currently unemployed, and since I don’t have social security registration, I can’t directly join a union. I can’t organize. Independent and freelance journalists can’t access union rights, and they can’t even get through the union’s door. The first thing we need to do is strengthen LGBTI+ journalists in the field. Strengthen journalists in the field.”
Çelik said unions could offer workshops and protective equipment support tailored to LGBTI+ journalists, adding: “LGBTI+ people are a reality now. We’re more visible than yesterday, and we’ll be even more visible tomorrow. At this point, institutions and unions need to transform themselves too.”
“We have to tell our own stories”
Addressing young LGBTI+ people entering journalism, Çelik encouraged them to stay in the field as much as possible and keep producing stories.
“If there’s an LGBTI+ story, let a queer journalist cover it first—because they understand the issue best,” Çelik said, adding that the discrimination young journalists will face shouldn’t push them away from the profession.
Çelik concluded:
“My journalism has been questioned, and it still is. You have to fight that. You do more work. The more work you do, the more those who try to erase you will be forced to back down. Just as we as LGBTI+ journalists carry our struggle into every part of life, we have to carry it into our profession too. The phobia may never end—but neither will the struggle.”
Türk: “In some stories, I have to hide my identity”
Freelance journalist İbrahim Türk, based in Ankara, said they began their journalism career in 2021 as a photojournalist and now work for various national and international media organizations.
Freelance journalist İbrahim Türk
Türk said they take a somewhat distanced view of the constant pairing of journalism with sexual identity: “I’m a journalist and I’m queer. Journalism is a job, being queer is an identity. The fact that these two are constantly mentioned together feels a bit strange to me.”
Türk said one of the biggest challenges they face in the field is having to hide their queer identity during certain assignments for their own protection. They said they feel especially uneasy at events organized by Islamist and radical right-wing groups, and that they use different methods to ensure their safety while reporting in such settings.
“When talking to people, you sometimes have to say you work for Anadolu Ajansı so you don’t get beaten up—because some of our friends have been beaten. You have to make sure you’re not wearing anything in rainbow colors. You try to approach people as neutrally as possible so you can get unbiased responses.”
Türk said this isn’t always a disadvantage, however—in left-wing and democratic circles, their queer identity can actually make communication easier. “In left-wing circles, sometimes all doors open. People communicate more freely, and trust can build faster.”
“I met every requirement, but I wasn’t hired”
While Türk said they have never directly been told “don’t cover this story” or “don’t do this job,” they believe their identity may have been a factor in some job applications and at some organizations where they’ve worked. They said they haven’t faced such problems at the organizations they currently work with.
Türk said that during a period of unemployment, they applied to several media outlets but never heard back. “I met every requirement, but I wasn’t accepted,” they said.
“I was attacked by the police”
Türk said they have also experienced physical violence in the field, recalling one incident during the protests against the 11th Judicial Package.
Describing what happened during the protests, Türk said: “I was choked by police officers. A trans woman saved me—if she hadn’t intervened, it could have ended much worse.”
Türk said the police generally recognize them, yet they were still subjected to violence: “There was no chance they didn’t know who I was. And they attacked me anyway.”
“First, we need to learn to protect each other”
Türk said they find the work professional associations and unions have done for LGBTI+ journalists insufficient. While they said they’re aware of some union-led initiatives, they argued that there still isn’t enough contact with journalists actually working in the field.
Türk said that to address the problems LGBTI+ journalists face, solidarity networks need to be strengthened—and that this starts with journalists supporting one another:
“We need to support more queer journalists, there need to be more queer journalists. We don’t support each other. What we actually need to do first is look out for ourselves. We need to learn to protect each other first. If we did that, we wouldn’t even need any organization—or we’d be in a position to tell organizations what they need to do. But right now, both the organizations and the journalists themselves are preoccupied with how to get more funding, how to grow, so nobody really cares.”
“Journalism is journalism”
Türk said they feel journalism is increasingly being defined by an excessive number of labels:
“Journalism is journalism. Labels like ‘opposition journalism’ or ‘queer journalism’ don’t really sit right with me. Of course our identities shape how we see the world. But we can’t explain everything we do solely through that lens. First and foremost, I’m a journalist. Yes, at some point my identity affects what I write or which stories I look at. But not in every story I do.”
After the AKP declared 2025 the “Year of the Family,” provisions directly targeting LGBTI+ people emerged in the draft 10th and 11th Judicial Packages expected to be submitted to Turkey’s Parliament (TBMM) in 2025. Numerous media organizations and professional associations issued a statement in 2025 regarding the 11th Judicial Package, which sought to criminalize reporting on LGBTI+ issues. The statement read as follows:
Journalists reporting LGBTQ+ issues risk criminalisation: Withdraw the proposed law!
The draft of the 11th Judicial Package was shared with the members of the press last week and is expected to be submitted to Parliament in the coming days. Under the heading “Obscene acts,” the draft introduces a so-called “Turkish-style ban on homosexual propaganda.” It stipulates prison sentences of up to three years for any behaviour or attitude that is “contrary to one’s biological sex and public morality,” as well as for praising, promoting, or encouraging such behaviour. In its current form, the proposal is even broader and more vague than Russia’s 2013 “gay propaganda ban,” posing a grave threat to freedom of expression and press freedom in Turkey.
If enacted, this regulation would restrict LGBTQ+ people of their right to access and share information central to their lives.. Journalists reporting on LGBTQ+ issues such as human rights violations, sexual health, Pride marches etc. risk criminal prosecution on the grounds of “promotion.”
Since 2025 was declared the “Year of the Family,” numerous violations have occurred targeting LGBTQ+ journalism in Turkey. In February, Yıldız Tar — Editor-in-Chief of KAOS GL, the country’s largest and oldest LGBTQ+ news platform, and a prominent LGBTQ+ rights advocate — was arrested.
In June, the KAOS GL news website and its social media accounts were blocked for allegedly “publicly inciting to commit crimes.” That same month, journalists covering the LGBTQ+ Pride March in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district were detained and later prosecuted.
T24 correspondent Can Öztürk was questioned by prosecutors after publishing a story about sexual harassment allegations against an academic who claimed to offer “conversion therapy” to LGBTQ+ children. The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) also fined streaming platforms such as Netflix for hosting LGBTQ+ content.
Following all these violations, the inclusion of the proposed provision in the 11th Judicial Package would escalate rights violations even further and criminalize the already difficult task of reporting on LGBTQ+ issues. Moreover, vague terms such as “contrary to one’s biological sex” or “contrary to public morality” would allow arbitrary interference with the press and civil society.
This proposal would not only target LGBTQ+ individuals but also place journalists reporting on LGBTQ+ issues and related rights violations under threat of criminal punishment.
For all these reasons, as the undersigned press and freedom of expression organizations, we urgently call for the immediate removal of this provision from the 11th Judicial Package.
Signed by:
Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
Dicle Fırat Journalism Association
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
Anti-corruption protests that began after a beach in Zvernec was sold off as part of a tourism project have continued for two weeks. Citizens explaining the reasons behind the protests, how they were organized, and what people are demanding say that local actions launched by environmental activists have grown into a national movement calling for “a new Albania.”
Protests against a planned tourism project in the Zvernec area, near the city of Vlora, have continued since May 30. Protesters have said the demonstrations will continue until the project is canceled and Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama resigns.
The protests were sparked by the sale of a beach in Zvernec as part of a tourism project reportedly linked to Ivanka Trump, daughter of US President Donald Trump, and her husband Jared Kushner. For nearly two weeks, the slogan “Albania is not for sale” has been at the center of demonstrations involving thousands of citizens. We spoke with activists and experts about the reasons behind the protests, the corruption allegations, and what the Albanian public is demanding.
Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, is also an American businessman and adviser to the US president. His investment firm, Affinity Partners, plans to turn part of Sazan Island on the Adriatic coast into a luxury resort—reportedly part of a $4 billion tourism project that would include hotels, villas, apartments, a marina and other high-end facilities.
Kushner has also served as a US representative in a series of diplomatic efforts involving Iran, Ukraine and Russia. In February 2026, Trump formally appointed him as Special Representative for Peace.
“The protests aren’t just about this one incident”
Anila Hoxha, who has taken part in the protests, said there were multiple reasons behind the demonstrations, and that the recent incident was simply the tipping point of a much longer process. Hoxha stressed that the protests aren’t only a reaction to the tourism project, arguing that Albanians have voiced numerous complaints about what they see as a corrupt government for some time.
Hoxha said the protests have nothing to do with the policies of other states, such as the US or Israel, underlining that the issue is with their own government and corruption.
“This isn’t just Albania’s problem”
Hoxha said the nationality of the investors isn’t really the point—what matters is that the project is being built in an area of major importance for natural resources, which is why the issue concerns everyone:
“The real issue isn’t the nationality of the investors—it’s the investment itself, made in a region of major importance for natural resources. This shouldn’t be seen as just Albania’s problem, because it’s an environmental issue.”
“Our only expectation now is the government’s resignation”
Hoxha said the way the tourism project has been presented—as an exclusive, elite island—has raised serious questions among the public, and that people don’t want this land to belong to anyone as private property:
“This land has belonged to the Albanian people throughout history. It should remain that way. We no longer have any expectations from the current government, but our demand is clear: resignation, and the formation of a new government that will work for Albania based on the rule of law, always standing on the side of what is right.
Since corruption has persisted for years, it may be difficult to eliminate it quickly. But we believe there are ways to address this problem, and that it can be fought through taking measures, carrying out various activities, and raising awareness.”
“State indifference sparked major outrage”
Journalist Erisa Kryeziu said the protests began in May after environmental activists noticed heavy machinery on site, after which the area was surrounded with bulldozers and barbed wire. She said the situation escalated when a private security company tasked with guarding the area responded aggressively, beating a protester and dragging them on the ground.
Kryeziu said the incident took place in front of police, who did not intervene against the private security guards—triggering widespread public outrage. She said videos of the incident spread rapidly on social media, fueling distrust among many citizens toward the state and its security forces.
By the 12th day of the protests, demonstrations had spread to the main boulevard of the capital, Tirana, Kryeziu said. The movement came to be known as the “Flamingo Uprising,” a reference to the flamingos that symbolize the region’s rich biodiversity.
Kryeziu said the main slogans were “Albania is not for sale” and “Cancel the project,” and that the movement has since moved beyond purely ecological concerns to become a broader expression of frustration over governance, transparency, participation in decision-making, and the relationship between political power and capital groups.
“We can’t describe this as an anti-imperialist movement”
Kryeziu said that while some activists and commentators have linked the project to foreign investors and broader geopolitical interests, the movement’s core demands center on the public interest and environmental protection in Albania—meaning it cannot be characterized as a movement against American or Israeli foreign policy:
“What’s happening in Albania is that major decisions are being made in the name of tourism development. But these decisions lack transparency, and appear to benefit a small group of investors close to those in power, while offering little to no benefit to ordinary citizens. At the same time, many of these projects come at the expense of nature, biodiversity, and Albania’s protected areas. This raises serious concerns about environmental protection, the public interest, and democratic decision-making.”
“The squares are full of women and young people”
Kryeziu said that although the protests have received support from some opposition politicians and organizations, the movement itself is independent, and the one thing everyone seems to agree on is Albania’s future.
The journalist said the protests have been organized through social media pages and groups, and that the squares are filled especially with young people and women, with the direction of the protests being decided collectively by large groups.
“The protests have turned into an anti-system movement”
Kryeziu said that in the early days, many media outlets failed to report on the protests and clashes in Zvernec, and that coverage only began once the story gained international attention.
She said this reflects the close relationship between Albania’s mainstream media and the political establishment. Another point the media has overlooked, she argued, is the diversity of the protesters themselves:
“People from every part of society are in the squares. They’re tired of the Rama government, its propaganda, and a traditional opposition that has failed to represent society for years. Because of this, the protests are no longer just a reaction to a specific environmental project, they’ve become a broader anti-system movement built around the demand for ‘a new Albania.'”
In Herat Province of Afghanistan, protests have occured over the ongoing arrests and beating of women until they fainted, for not wearing “proper hijab, Chadari or burqa”, by Taliban Morality Police.Taliban members shot some of the protesters in Herat.
Women wearing Burqa in Afghanistan.
In Afghanistan, some residents from the Jibrail area of Herat Province held a protest rally this morning to protest the detention of women by the Taliban. Sources reported that residents chanting “Education, Work, Freedom” were met with gunfire from Taliban forces.
Afghanistan Women’s News Agency (AWNA) shared that the protest rally was suppressed by Taliban forces, who opened fire on the demonstrators.
The protests have raised over the ongoing arrests and harsh treatment of women by the Taliban’s Morality Police. This treatment of Taliban began on Saturday in various parts of Herat to forcefully make women to wear Chadari or burqa and warning that those who do not wear will be imprisoned.
The Taliban’s supreme leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, formally endorsed a sweeping 119-article criminal regulation framework. Crucially, this regulation decentralized enforcement, effectively legalizing vigilante violence by stating that any citizen who witnesses a perceived “sin” (including improper dress) has a duty to stop it on the spot.
Photo: 8AM Media
According to 8AM Media, Taliban members have been detaining and beating women until they fainted, for wearing manteau coats. Women in Herat are saying that after these events of Taliban members beating women on the streets, the presence of women in public has dropped sharply, since women are afraid of going out even for the groceries.
ترس از بازداشت؛ حضور کمرنگ زنان در بازارهای هرات
همزمان با افزایش نگرانیها از بازداشت زنان بهدلیل رعایتنکردن حجاب مورد نظر طالبان، حضور زنان در جادهی لیلامی هرات در روزهای اخیر بهگونهی چشمگیری کاهش یافته است.
— Afghanistan Women News Agency (@AWNANEWS) June 9, 2026
Taliban shot protesters
Today (June 9th) local sources told 8AM Media reporters that Taliban members fired shots to disperse and suppress the protesters. They also reported that they can continuously hear the sound of ambulances and Taliban ranger vehicles throughout the area. The exact number of casualties remains unclear. In a video on social media, residents carrying wounded individuals away as gunfire is ongoing.
Herat Protests Continue Amid Reports of Taliban Gunfire
Sources in Herat told Aamaj News that several protesters were wounded after Taliban forces resorted to ‘live fire’ to break up the demonstrations.
At least four sources told the Afghanistan Women’s News Agency today, Taliban forces checked women’s attire and hijabs at the entrances to these halls before allowing people to enter in several places of Herat.
“’Improper Hijab’ is neither consistent with Islamic values”
Zarifa Ghafari Bashir who is a former female mayor of Maidan Shahr of Afghanistan, told on her X account:
“The Taliban violently cracked down on a peaceful demonstration of residents in Herat’s Jibril area who were protesting the detention of women and girls since last few days in Herat. Videos circulating online show Taliban forces firing shots to disperse the crowd and physically assaulting several protesters. This latest incident reflects the regime’s continued use of violence to silence dissent and suppress those who stand in solidarity with Afghan women.”
Nasir Ahmad Faiq, Afghanistan’s representative at the United Nations, told on his X account that the detention of women by the Taliban’s morality police carried under the pretext of “improper Hijab” is neither consistent with Islamic principles and values nor with the culture and traditions of the Afghan people. “How do Taliban enforcers consider themselves entitled to forcibly detain and transport women in public when they are not even their mahram (stranger/legal guardian)?” he asked, and continued “This comes amid credible and well-documented reports of violence, sexual abuse and rape in Taliban prisons, as well as forced marriages involving Taliban members – cases that have never been transparently investigated nor those responsible held accountable.”
Amnesty: “Every woman has the right to choose what to wear”
Regional Office of Amnesty International South Asia called on the Taliban to immediately disclose the whereabouts of the detained women, ensure their safe return, and end measures that target women because of their clothing:
“Reports of multiple women being arrested by the Taliban in Herat province for not adhering to their restrictive dress code are deeply alarming. It is a stark reminder of the continued crackdown on the rights of women and girls in Afghanistan. Every woman has the right to choose what to wear, move freely, participate in public life, and live without fear or intimidation.”
“These arrests are part of Taliban’s gender persecution”
Afghan Women Activist’s Coordinating Body which is a global protection network and diasphora advocacy group, told on their X account that “According to eyewitnesses, photos and video footage received from Herat, Taliban forces arrested women in public spaces simply because their faces were not fully covered. These arrests are not isolated incidents. They are part of the Taliban’s systematic campaign of gender persecution, fear and total control over Afghan women’s bodies, movement and existence.”
Statement by the Afghan Women Activists Coordinating Body on the Arrest of Women in Herat
The Afghan Women Activists Coordinating Body strongly condemns the reported arrest of dozens of women and girls by the Taliban in Herat under the pretext of “bad hijab”.
— Afghan Women Activist´s Coordinating Body (AWACB) (@AWACB_DE) June 7, 2026
Tahera Nasiri, The founder and head of the “Women’s Movement Towards Freedom” stated that “The Taliban are attempting to erase women from public life, making them increasingly vulnerable whenever they leave their homes”. To Nasiri, through systematic restrictions and oppression, Taliban seek to exclude women entirely from society and deny them their fundamental rights and freedoms.
“Shame on those who lobby for this regime or portray the current situation as normal. The reality is that women in Afghanistan continue to face severe discrimination, exclusion, and repression every day” she said.
The Taliban are attempting to erase women from public life, making them increasingly vulnerable whenever they leave their homes. Through systematic restrictions and oppression, they seek to exclude women entirely from society and deny them their fundamental rights and freedoms.… pic.twitter.com/RlizxHBiKn
— Tahera Nasiri ~ طاهره ناصری (@nasiri_tahera) June 8, 2026
Hacer Foggo, founder of the Deep Poverty Network (Derin Yoksulluk Ağı), who responded to the Constitutional Court’s annulment of the provision allowing a divorced spouse to claim poverty alimony “indefinitely” on grounds of unconstitutionality, reminded the public that single mothers living in deep poverty are already working in irregular and uninsured jobs.
Photo: Serra Akcan / csgorselarsiv.org
The Constitutional Court (CC) in Turkey annulled the provision in Article 175 of the Civil Code allowing a divorced spouse to claim poverty alimony “indefinitely,” ruling it unconstitutional. The CC General Assembly decided to grant the Grand National Assembly of Turkey nine months to enact the necessary legislation.
The Antalya 12th Family Court had applied to the Constitutional Court in 2025 seeking the annulment of the phrase “indefinitely” in the provision on poverty alimony under Article 175 of Turkish Civil Code No. 4721. The high court issued this ruling upon the application of the local court.
Following the annulment ruling, it was reported in the press that the draft on the AKP’s table plans to take the duration of marriage as the basis. Accordingly, those married for 3 years would receive alimony for 5 years, those married for 5 years for 7 years, and those married for 10 years for 12 years.
Hacer Foggo, founder of the Deep Poverty Network (DPN), who shared her assessment with Niha+, underlined the hunger, debt, school dropout, and housing risks that emerge in households when alimony is cut or not paid.
Hacer Foggo: “Alimony is insufficient but vital support”
Photo: Hacer Foggo
Foggo emphasized how vital alimony is for women and stated that the public perception created, that “women receive alimony in high amounts” does not correspond to the reality in the field:
“A significant portion of the single mothers living in deep poverty whom we support in the field, particularly those working in daily precarious jobs, either receive very low amounts of alimony or cannot regularly collect the alimony that has been ruled. The 2024 Poverty Alimony Monitoring Report of the Women’s Solidarity Foundation also shows that, among the files examined, the average poverty alimony was 1,179.40 TL. It is impossible for this amount to suffice for a woman living alone. What we see in the field is this: alimony is not a welfare tool for women — it is a support that is most often vital yet insufficient for rent, bills, food, children’s school meals, transportation, medicine, fuel, and a safe life. Women living in deep poverty are already trying to survive through daily, irregular, and precarious work.”
The 2019 “Poverty Alimony Research” report of the Women’s Solidarity Foundation had recorded that only 20.7 percent of alimony rulings were paid by those obligated to pay, while 50.7 percent were never paid at all.
The foundation’s 2024 “Poverty Alimony Research” report stated that while the proportion of men with no income was 7 percent, the proportion of women with no income was 47 percent. Accordingly, while 80 percent of men work at or above the minimum wage, this figure stands at only 46 percent for women.
“The structural inequalities women face are being ignored”
Responding to the argument that making alimony time-limited is justified with the claim “Women should work too” which has been asserted in public debate, Foggo stated that this argument ignores the structural inequalities women face. Foggo said that single mothers living in deep poverty are already working, such as going to do daily cleaning, doing piecework, working in irregular and uninsured jobs, and underlined that these are not jobs that provide regular income, social security, or a dignified life.
Reminding that one of the biggest obstacles to women’s participation in the workforce is the burden of care, Foggo said: “If there are no free and accessible nurseries, if a woman cannot find a safe place to leave her child, it becomes practically impossible for her to work with a fixed income. Many women shoulder child care, school follow-up, hospital processes, housework, and the responsibility of livelihood entirely on their own. Ignoring these conditions means not knowing the conditions of deep poverty.”
“It becomes harder for women to escape violence”
According to Foggo, when alimony ends, a woman who has not yet established her economic independence faces even deeper poverty. Saying “For a woman who cannot find a free nursery to leave her child and cannot access regular and secure employment, the cutting of alimony means being unable to cover basic living expenses,” Foggo explained that this would place women in a more precarious and unhealthy situation:
“This situation may force women to accept lower-waged, uninsured, long-hour and unhealthy jobs. For some women, it may also increase the pressure to return to a home where they experience violence or to endure a violent relationship. Because the decision to divorce is not only a legal one, it is also an economic one. If a woman cannot find answers to the questions ‘where will I stay with my child, how will I pay the rent, how will I feed my child,’ it also becomes harder for her to escape violence.”
“Alimony also affects the child’s life”
Foggo, who stated that alimony directly affects not only the conditions of women but also those of children, argued that a decrease in a mother’s income produces consequences in every area, from a child’s nutrition to education, from access to health to housing.
Foggo emphasized that the removal of alimony security is one of the factors that could increase child labor, school dropout, malnutrition, and the risks of child marriage, and gave the following example: “In the field, we see that children drop out of school because their bus fare cannot be covered, that school meals cannot be prepared, that children are forced to look after younger siblings at home or work to bring income to the household.”
She said that such a decision should be addressed not only under the heading of alimony but together with women’s poverty, child poverty, care labor, and the right to escape violence:
“In our view, its effects in the field must be urgently monitored. At the same time, free and accessible nurseries must be expanded, regular social support must be provided to single mothers, secure employment opportunities must be increased, and effective public mechanisms must be operated in cases where alimony cannot be collected. Limiting alimony rights with a time limit without establishing social policies that will reduce women’s poverty is unacceptable. From our perspective, touching the right to alimony means touching the right to life of women and children living in deep poverty.”
DPN: “For single mothers, alimony is vital”
The Deep Poverty Network’s statement on the annulment of indefinite alimony is as follows:
Touching the Right to Alimony Means Touching Women’s and Children’s Right to Life
The Constitutional Court’s annulment of the phrase “indefinitely” concerning poverty alimony under Article 175 of the Turkish Civil Code is not merely a technical legal debate. This ruling cannot be evaluated independently of the living conditions of women in Turkey, particularly single mothers living in deep poverty, working in daily and precarious jobs.
Poverty alimony is not an unconditional, unlimited, and automatic privilege as it is presented to the public. It is subject to conditions such as not being at serious fault, falling into poverty due to divorce, and the continuation of need. When the need disappears, alimony can already be revoked. Despite this, presenting the right to alimony as a “lifelong burden” renders invisible the unpaid care labor women undertake within marriage, the impoverishment following divorce, and the economic conditions of escaping male violence. The Women’s Solidarity Foundation’s 2024 Poverty Alimony Monitoring Report shows that alimony amounts are not as high as publicly claimed, that the average poverty alimony in the files examined was 1,179.40 TL, and that a significant portion of ruled alimony cannot be collected. What we at the Deep Poverty Network see in the field is this: for single mothers, alimony is not a welfare tool, it is most often a vital threshold for rent, bills, food, school meals, transportation, wood, coal, medicine, and a “safe” life.
Single mothers living in deep poverty are on the one hand, shouldering the care of their children entirely on their own, while on the other hand trying to provide for the household through daily, irregular, low-wage, and precarious work. Single-parent households have no secure job, no regular income, and no free childcare support to safely leave their children. For this reason, limiting alimony with a time frame will, particularly for single mothers, produce the following consequences:
It will deepen the poverty of women and children. For a mother working in daily jobs, income is something that must be found anew each day; if there is no work that day, there is hunger, if the child is sick and there is no medicine. Limiting alimony will deepen poverty. “Some days I don’t eat myself so my children can eat more. But how well can they be nourished on pasta? Some days there’s nothing at all, we all have to go hungry.”
It will make escaping violence harder. One of the biggest obstacles to women making the decision to divorce is economic insecurity. A woman who wants to leave a home where she experiences violence will be forced to think about where she will stay with her child, how she will pay the rent, how she will feed her child — and will continue to “endure” the violence. “Due to the problems with my ex-husband, my life is still in danger. I can’t leave the house out of fear that he will kill me or harm my children. My son quit school and is doing daily work.”
It will leave the burden of care entirely on women’s shoulders. Child care, school follow-up, hospitals, housework, and livelihood are left simultaneously to the single mother’s responsibility. While free and accessible nurseries are not widespread, while flexible and secure employment is not provided, limiting the right to alimony will confine women to the home. “Every day I work daily jobs too, I can’t even spend proper time with my children out of exhaustion. My eldest son left school, he’s looking after his younger siblings at home.”
It will strip children of their right to education, nutrition, and health. The alimony debate concerns not only the living conditions of women but of children too. The impoverishment of a single mother may mean a child dropping out of school, being malnourished, and being unable to access health services. “I couldn’t give my high school freshman son his bus fare, I had to pull him out of school.”
It will worsen the housing crisis. In single-parent households, rent, bills, and basic household expenses are among the most acute dimensions of poverty. Limiting the right to alimony will push women and their children into unsafe, unhealthy living conditions. “I can’t make ends meet — should I pack the child a meal every day, or pay my rent?”
It will allow economic violence to persist after divorce. Non-payment, delay of alimony, and forcing women to renounce alimony are forms of economic violence. It will make it easier for men who exercise economic violence to escape responsibility. Women will be forced to accept lower-waged, uninsured, long-hour, and unhealthy jobs. “No matter how much I work it’s not enough. The employer always delays it. I can’t raise my voice. I have to live counting every penny… Believe me, I can’t even afford pads.”
Without developing social policies to reduce women’s poverty, without expanding free nurseries, without providing secure employment, without implementing equal pay for equal work, and without bringing care labor into life, limiting the right to alimony is unacceptable. The fact that in practice it is mostly women who benefit from this right stems from gender inequality. Poverty alimony is not a privilege granted to women — it is a social protection mechanism for the party that falls into poverty after divorce, and it is insufficient.
No regulation that ignores women’s poverty is just. No policy that leaves the burden of childcare on the shoulders of single mothers is compatible with the principle of the social state. No decision that weakens the economic security of women who want to escape violence can be considered independently of the right to life.
Touching the right to alimony means touching the lives of women and children living in deep poverty. We do not accept any regulation that will condemn women to poverty, violence, confinement to the home, and relationships of dependency.
The May 2026 United Kingdom elections were a serious warning for the Labour government, a sign of pressure for the Conservative Party to rebuild itself, a big opportunity for Reform UK, and a sign of a new period in domestic politics. These elections show that UK politics is becoming more fragmented, more competitive and more unpredictable.
The elections held in the United Kingdom last month were not general elections, but they were still an important turning point because they showed the political direction of the country. Local elections were held in many parts of England, while parliamentary elections were held in Scotland and Senedd elections were held in Wales. These elections gave a serious warning to the Labour government. Labour came to power with a large majority in the 2024 general election, but only two years later, the party lost a lot of support in all three countries.
Perhaps the most important result of the elections was the rise of political fragmentation. For a long time, politics in the United Kingdom was mainly shaped by the competition between Labour and the Conservative Party. However, the 2026 election results showed that the two-party system is becoming weaker. Reform UK gained strength as a right-wing populist alternative, while the Green Party, the Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru and the SNP increased their support in different regions. This shows that voters are no longer automatically loyal to traditional parties.
It would not be wrong to say that the May local elections were especially disappointing for Labour in England. In the elections held on 7 May, Labour either lost in many areas that could be described as its strongholds or saw a serious fall in its vote share. Reform UK achieved successful results, especially in areas where support for Brexit was high. Reform UK, which has been criticised for its anti-immigration position but has also increased its support recently, won more than 1,400 council seats in England. This has already put pressure on its rivals before the 2029 general election. Reform UK’s success shows that issues such as immigration, economic insecurity and public services still have a strong influence on voters.
The Green Party also achieved an important success in these elections, winning more than 500 council seats and two mayoralties in London. The Liberal Democrats also increased their number of council seats compared with the previous election.
May 2026 United Kingdom Elections
Political fragmentation, warning signs, and a roadmap analysis for 2029
Regional seat allocations and radical shift
Wales Senedd elections
Plaid Cymru
43
Reform UK
34
Labour
9
Scotland Holyrood elections
SNP (Scottish National Party)
57
Reform UK
17
Scottish Labour Party
17
England local elections & alternative powers
In council seats across England, voters looking for alternatives to the traditional two-party system drove radical shifts across both the right and left wings:
1,400+
Reform UK Council Seats
Achieved massive success particularly in high Brexit-support areas, creating a huge pressure element for 2029.
500+
Green Party Council Seats
Won two mayoralties in London and more than 500 seats, becoming the new focal point for left-wing/progressive voters.
Key dynamics shifting voter behavior
Chronic issues lie behind the end of “automatic” loyalty toward traditional parties:
Economic Instability & Cost of Living: Voters feel that the change of government in 2024 has not reflected onto their daily lives.
Healthcare (NHS) and Public Crisis: The decline in public services is being blamed on the traditional parties.
Immigration and Security Debates: This became the main fuel powering the rise of the right-wing populist Reform UK.
Political projection towards the 2029 general election
Although Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who is under heavy pressure, announced following the election results that he would not resign and would not drag the country into instability, the government’s room for maneuver has narrowed. In this new era where politics has turned into a much more fragmented, competitive, and unpredictable structure, the May 2026 results serve as a stark warning to all parties on the path leading to the 2029 general elections.
Exclusive HTML Infographic Module | Created using AI tools based on the article text.
Labour won only 9 seats in Wales
On 7 May, people in Scotland and Wales also voted to choose representatives for their national parliaments, and Reform UK achieved successful results in both countries. In Wales, the Welsh nationalist party Plaid Cymru won the highest number of seats, with 43 seats, and became the largest party in the Senedd. Reform UK became the second-largest party with 34 seats. Labour won only 9 seats in Wales.
In the elections for the Scottish Parliament, also known as Holyrood, the Scottish National Party, or SNP, won the election for the fifth time, but lost its majority. The SNP won 57 seats, while Reform UK and Scottish Labour shared second place with 17 seats each. The elections in Scotland showed that the question of independence is still very important for many voters. However, issues such as the cost of living, the NHS and public services were also important factors in how people voted.
The most important message of the 7 May elections for Labour is that its big victory in the 2024 general election was not a permanent vote of confidence. Keir Starmer’s government had promised economic stability, better public services and the rebuilding of political trust. However, the 2026 elections showed that many voters have not yet felt this change in their daily lives. After the election results, Starmer said that he would not resign and would not leave the country in “chaos”. This clearly showed that his government is under pressure.
Housing crisis, debates on migration
The wider meaning of the 2026 elections is that voter behaviour in the United Kingdom is now more affected by current problems. Economic difficulties, debates about immigration, the condition of public services, the housing crisis and political distrust are changing traditional voting habits. For this reason, the May 2026 elections were not only local or regional elections. They also gave serious warnings to political parties on the road to the 2029 general election.
The May 2026 United Kingdom elections were a serious warning for the Labour government, a sign of pressure for the Conservative Party to rebuild itself, a big opportunity for Reform UK, and a sign of a new period in domestic politics. These elections show that UK politics is becoming more fragmented, more competitive and more unpredictable.
Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Collective, states that the anti-LGBTQ+ provisions proposed in the 12th Judicial Package are not a health policy but an attempt to assert power over bodies. They note that the draft in question targets not only the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but also “everyone’s right to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere.”
Photo: Yusuf Çelik / csgorselarsiv.org
Anti-LGBTQ+ legislation is back on the agenda in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). Provisions that were withdrawn from the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which passed through parliament in previous year, due to public pressure have now been included in the 12th Judicial Package.
According to behind-the-scenes information obtained by KaosGL.org, a briefing note regarding the 12th Judicial Package was sent to senior Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP / Justice and Development Party) lawmakers. It has been learned that the package, expected to be submitted to the TBMM in June, contains provisions targeting the LGBTQ+ community and raising the age of access to gender-affirming surgery for trans individuals to 25.
Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Kolektifi (Hormone Rights Collective), assessed for Niha+ these proposed regulations, expected to be included in the 12th Judicial Package.
Ecmel: “The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment”
According to Ecmel, this draft law constitutes an overt policy of hatred that targets trans people’s autonomy over their bodies, the trust-based relationship they establish with healthcare providers, their access to healthcare, and their most fundamental spheres of existence.
Recalling that the government has long sought to portray LGBTQ+ individuals as a “threat to the family,” “a threat to children,” “a threat to society,” and “a threat to public morality,” Ecmel stated that this policy has transformed trans people’s access to healthcare from a matter of rights into an issue of security, morality, and punishment:
“The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment. A person’s access to hormones, surgery, psychosocial support, or any other health service related to the gender affirmation process cannot be criminalized. This draft law aims to make trans people’s lives manageable, controllable, and punishable. The government is saying, ‘I decide what happens to your body, and if your doctor supports you, I’ll punish both of you.’ This is not health policy; it is an attempt to assert power over our bodies. That is why when we say ‘My Right to Hormones,’ we are not merely talking about access to a medication. We are talking about the right to make decisions about our own bodies, the right to access safe healthcare, the right to speak with a doctor without fear, and the right not to be treated as a criminal because of our identity.”
“They’re afraid of our power to organize”
Ecmel, noting that many rights would be violated if this bill passes through parliament, said that access to healthcare which is already difficult for trans people, would become even harder, and those seeking healthcare would be pushed toward more precarious and unregulated avenues:
“If the law is passed, the resulting human rights violations will be multifaceted. The right to health will be violated. Because people will not be able to safely access the services they need. The right to privacy will be violated. Because a person’s body, identity, health information, and life will be turned into objects of state surveillance. The right to equality will be violated. Because access to the same health services is surrounded by penalties and specific barriers when it comes to trans people. Freedom of expression and association will be violated. It fuels hatred in society. It sends the message to people that ‘these individuals are already guilty, already dangerous, already targets.’ This leads to more discrimination and violence on the streets, in schools, at home, in hospitals, at workplaces, and on social media.”
Emphasizing that the purpose of the proposed regulations is not merely to regulate a few medical procedures, but also to prevent trans people from trusting the healthcare system, doctors from acting in accordance with professional ethics, and institutions from opening their doors to trans clients, Ecmel stated that these draft laws were written based on the questions: “How can LGBTQ+ people become less visible, make fewer demands, and feel more afraid?”
Ecmel said, “Because they fear our organizational power; the LGBTQ+ movement is a movement that has managed to form a strong opposition bloc despite all this oppression”
“The government says, ‘We decide what happens to the body‘”
They stated that the government is pursuing its efforts to isolate the LGBTQ+ community, silence doctors, intimidate families, polarize society, and portray the struggle for rights as criminal in four distinct ways:
“First, it masks social crises with the rhetoric of a ‘moral crisis.’ While real issues like the economic crisis, poverty, the housing crisis, the collapse of the healthcare system, the lack of a future for young people, and the violence faced by women and children are out in the open, the LGBTQ+ community is presented as an artificial threat. In this way, the public’s anger is diverted from real problems and directed toward a vulnerable group.
Second, a uniform lifestyle is being imposed under the guise of the “family.” Strengthening the family truly means reducing poverty, preventing violence, supporting care work, ensuring children’s safety, and making it possible for everyone to live equally and with dignity. But the government uses the family not as a support mechanism, but as a tool to keep society in line. By portraying LGBTQ+ individuals as a threat to the family, the government both fuels a politics of hatred and imposes a “acceptable citizen,” “acceptable body,” “acceptable gender,” and “acceptable relationship” on society.
Third, a message is being sent to the entire society through trans bodies. It says, “We, not you, decide what happens to the body.” This message is not directed solely at trans people; it is aimed at women, young people, those living with HIV, people with disabilities, children, and everyone in need of healthcare. The government seeks to control society by controlling bodies.
Fourth, they are trying to criminalize advocacy. This draft targets not only the healthcare processes of trans people but also the visibility, organization, solidarity, and advocacy of the LGBTQ+ community. Because those in power know that people are more easily intimidated when left alone; but when there is solidarity, information, and organized resistance, these repressive policies fail.”
Ecmel, noting that the provisions in the draft legislation have concrete consequences for trans people, such as being turned away from hospitals, being unable to access hormones, struggling to find a doctor, facing humiliation, being forced to accept misinformation, becoming isolated due to family pressure, and being unable to make decisions about their own bodies, stressed the importance of making trans people’s real-life experiences visible.
“This issue cannot be left solely on the shoulders of trans people”
Stating that this law directly targets the right to one’s own body, Ecmel underscored that a person’s ability to make decisions about their own body is not a favor granted by the state. According to Ecmel, the government threatens not only trans people but everyone’s bodies by asserting, “Your body does not belong to you; it can only exist within the boundaries drawn by the state”:
“Once the government begins punishing people’s decisions regarding their bodies under vague justifications like ‘public morality,’ ‘family,’ or ‘protection of society,’ this threat does not stop at trans people. “Today, trans people’s right to hormone therapy is under attack; tomorrow, abortion, birth control, HIV treatment, young people’s access to healthcare, psychiatric support, reproductive health, or other bodily autonomy decisions could be targeted using the same logic. That is why this struggle is not just a struggle for trans people. It is, in fact, a struggle over the question, ‘Who gets to decide about my body?’”
Ecmel, who stated that it is not just the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but everyone’s rights to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere that are under attack, said, “This issue cannot be brushed aside by saying, ‘LGBT+ organizations will make a statement anyway.’” Ecmel listed what each sector must do as follows:
“Medical associations must declare: Medicine cannot be practiced under the threat of punishment. Political power and the threat of imprisonment cannot be introduced into the patient-doctor relationship.
Bar associations must state: Existence cannot be criminalized. Privacy, bodily integrity, equality, and freedom of expression cannot be eliminated through moralistic criminal provisions.
Women’s organizations, feminists, and those working in reproductive health must state: Attacks on bodily autonomy are not separate from one another. The logic targeting trans people’s right to hormones is the same as the logic regulating abortion, birth control, sexual health, and reproductive health.
Unions and professional organizations must state: This law also concerns the labor sector. Because the professional autonomy of healthcare workers, the safety of LGBTQ+ workers, the prohibition of discrimination in the workplace, and everyone’s right to a life of dignity are all part of this attack.
Human rights organizations and political parties must state the following: This draft law must not be brought before Parliament under any circumstances; if it is, it must be opposed through all democratic means. Because hate laws cannot be made “reasonable” through debate. One’s very existence is not up for negotiation.”
Stating that merely making a statement would not be enough and that support must be provided in many areas, Ecmel said: “Legal preparations must be made, informative materials in the field of health must be produced, solidarity hotlines for physicians and healthcare workers must be established, and secure channels where young trans individuals and families can access accurate information must be strengthened. Media language must be monitored, and rapid response mechanisms against hate speech must be set up. Local governments, counseling centers, non-governmental organizations, and professional chambers must work together.”
“We are not alone. Our pride cannot be packaged!”
Emphasizing that this hate law must be completely withdrawn without being added to any judicial package, Ecmel said: “We do not accept our lives being narrowed down a bit more, our bodies being monitored by the state, and our access to healthcare being criminalized with every new package.”
Concluding their words, Ecmel stated that one of the most important things in this process is to counter fear with solidarity:
“With these laws, the government is not only producing a threat of punishment, but also sending the message: ‘You are alone, no one will defend you, your doctor will be afraid, and your organization will be silenced.’ Our response to this must be collective, loud, and clear: We are not alone. We will not give up on each other. Our pride cannot be packaged. No to the hate law in the 12th Judicial Package! Our bodies belong to us. We will not give up on our right to health, our right to hormones, and our right to life.”
What had happened?
After the government declared 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” regulations directly targeting LGBTQ+ individuals in the drafts of the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which were expected to be submitted to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, came to the agenda.
The 10th Judicial Package was approved by the assembly Justice Commission in June 2025. Following this, the 11th Judicial Package was submitted to the assembly on November 27, 2025, and approved on December 25, 2025.
According to the articles in these drafts submitted last year:
Under the scope of “indecent acts,” crimes of promotion or encouragement regarding LGBTQ+ individuals could be punished with imprisonment from one to three years.
Marriage and wedding ceremonies of same-sex individuals would also be punished with imprisonment.
Additionally, contents featuring LGBTQ+ individuals could be penalized or removed from broadcast by the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK).
One of the most critical regulations that stood out was raising the age for gender affirmation surgery for trans individuals from 18 to 25, and tightening the conditions for obtaining medical reports by exposing the relevant physicians to imprisonment and fines. For the gender transition process, the age limit was to be raised from 21 to 25.
However, public backlash created by LGBTQ+ organizations, feminists, and rights-oriented institutions prevented the articles in this draft from passing through parliament. This year, similar articles are back on the agenda.
According to data released by CİSST, as of June 2026, among the 421,583 inmates in prisons, at least 200 are LGBT+, 476 are disabled, and 14,276 are foreign nationals.
The Civil Society Association for the Penitentiary System (CİSST) released prison statistics for June 2026. According to these statistics, as of June, the 402 prisons in Turkey are housing 421,583 people, exceeding their designed capacity by 138.5%.
Data shared by CİSST indicates that 64,705 of these inmates are pretrial detainees, while 4,673 are children under the age of 18. The statistics also highlight that among these inmates, there are at least 200 LGBT+ inmates, 476 inmates with disabilities, and 14,276 foreign nationals.
There are 891 infants in prisons
According to CİSST, which notes that 4.8% of the inmates in prisons are women, there are also 891 infants and children under the age of six in prisons. The statistics compiled by CİSST reveal that prisons are not merely places of incarceration but also spaces where the elderly, children, people with disabilities, and infants living with their mothers are housed.
Report · CİSST
Overview
421,583
Total prison population
402
Number of prisons
304,390
Total official capacity
38.5% over capacity
Distribution by Detention Type
In closed prisons303,922
In open prisons117,661
Legal Status and Special Groups
356,878
Convicted prisoners
64,705
Pre-trial detainees (awaiting trial)
14,276
Foreign national prisoners
200+
LGBTI+ prisoners
Children and Women
4,673
Children aged 12–18 in prison
226 of them are girls
20,360
Women prisoners
891
Children aged 0–6 living with their incarcerated mothers
Age, Education and Work
6,680
Prisoners aged 65 and over
77,014
Prisoners continuing their education
58,500
Prisoners in insured employment
Prisoners with Disabilities (Total: 476)
Type of Disability
Number of People
Orthopedic disability
252
Visual impairment
96
Hearing impairment
68
Speech and language disability
34
Combined hearing and speech disability
26
Daily Food Allowance (2025)
₺144
Adult convicted prisoners, detainees and on-duty staff
₺275
Juvenile convicted prisoners and detainees
₺275
Children held with mothers, breastfeeding and pregnant inmates
A Turkish General Staff document dated 1940 and declassified in 2025 proposes the Turkification of place names in Hatay and the eastern provinces, and the inclusion of these names in maps and educational materials.
A Turkish General Staff document from 1940, declassified in 2025, brings the Turkification of place names in Hatay and the eastern provinces to the agenda. The document suggests including the new names in maps and educational materials.
It is understood that the document, shared by researcher M. Saleh Ghaderi on his personal X account, has been newly declassified. Bearing the stamp “DECLASSIFIED with the APPROVAL dated 10.07.2025 and numbered 148317,” the document argues that changing the aforementioned names is a “cultural and historical necessity” and states the following:
“It is deemed a cultural and historical necessity to use the pure Turkish equivalents of all foreign names currently used in Hatay and our eastern provinces, or to assign them new Turkish names.”
The Education system is also part of the process
Another striking element in the document is that the name changes are not limited solely to administrative decisions. By proposing the use of the changed place names in geography books, maps, and other publications, the Turkish General Staff aims for the new generations to learn these names.
The text states that the new names should be included in educational materials so that “the public and the new generation can learn these names more easily.”
Enver Pasha’s directive is the starting point
The 1940 document also shows that the changing of place names was not a practice belonging to a single period alone.
In his recent interview published on Niha+, historian Namık Kemal Dinç states that the first comprehensive initiative regarding the changing of place names began with a directive sent to the provinces by Enver Pasha on January 5, 1916. The directive demanded the Turkification of Armenian, Greek, and Bulgarian place names.
Dinç notes that this approach continued during the Republican period, specifically targeting place names of Kurdish, Armenian, Syriac, Greek, Laz, and Georgian origin.
Institutional transformation
According to Dinç’s research, the practice acquired a systematic nature with the “Specialized Commission for Name Changing” (Ad Değiştirme İhtisas Kurulu) established in 1957. The commission, which included representatives from the Turkish General Staff, the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of National Defense, the Ministry of National Education, the Turkish Language Association, and Ankara University, operated until 1978.
According to research, approximately 75,000 settlements were examined; official name change decisions were made for roughly 28,000 of them.
The “Politics of Memory” debate
Dinç evaluates the changing of place names not merely as an administrative regulation, but as the reconstruction of historical memory.
According to Dinç, the aim was to erase the traces of Anatolia’s multilingual and multicultural past and to create a new national memory.
Since the ceasefire signed between Iran and the U.S. on April 7, dozens of Kurds have been executed and many others killed. The letter and watercolor paintings addressing children, created by Kurdish activist Mojtaba Waisi, who was most recently killed by the Revolutionary Guards, have been widely shared in the media.
The ceasefire, which began on the 40th day of the Iran-U.S. war (April 7) and was initially set to last two weeks, continues to be in effect officially under Pakistani mediation. While Iran continues its negotiations with the U.S., it has maintained its repressive policies within the country during this period and executed many Kurdish prisoners facing political and “security” charges.
Mojtaba Waisi: “Power must be used to serve humanity”
On May 28, Mojtaba and Maysam Waisi were shot and killed in their family home in the Mehdiye neighborhood (Dare Daraz or Dîrij) of Kermanshah by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Following this incident, a letter written by Mojtaba Waisi to the children attending the library he founded, along with his artworks, came to light.
Signed artworks of Mojtaba Waisi.
It was learned that two of Mojtaba Waisi’s signed works depicting a Kurdish woman were created using watercolor.
Here is the translation from Sorani Kurdish to English of the two-page letter written by Mojtaba Waisi:
“Sometimes my feelings take flight toward that library where my soul flutters its wings for books. I miss every single child in that library: Mehiya, Mahbub, Sena, Aylin, Servinaz, Hena, Mübin, Diana, Atusa, Hesti, Alov, Negar, Ayda, Terane, Haniye, Aydın, Berhem…
I wonder if I’ll ever get to see them grow up and witness their futures? I don’t know if I’ll be able to bear witness to their futures and their adulthood. But from the depths of my heart, I wish each of them health, wisdom, and a life of honor. I love them; I wish for them knowledge and wisdom, to stay away from people’s tricks and deceptions, to be filled with humanity and reflect it, to have freedom, to seek justice, to serve the people, and to stand firm like ancient, noble oak trees. With the hope of seeing you in a free and enlightened world… The prosperity of the homeland and your greatness are my greatest wishes. May justice be with you; may justice be your supporter and refuge.
Under all circumstances, I am filled with despair and mental turmoil. Despair regarding an uncertain future… A despair stemming from not knowing what will happen, from being unable to foresee how events will unfold. How long will this situation continue? Will this tyrant’s reign come to an end—will this era of oppression finally cease? Or will another tyrant rise in his place? Will this vicious cycle repeat itself once more? How will the dictator’s power be overthrown and shattered?
Should the brave pay the price of freedom with their lives and all they possess, while the dishonorable and cowardly seize power and arrogance and ascend to the throne of rule and governance? Should those noble people who fought and lost their lives leave behind nothing but their photographs, now confined to prisons? Will the result of my comrades’ efforts and deaths be that the power over the nation’s future falls into the hands of those who seek it solely for their own interests? Yet power must be used to serve people and humanity. Before long, the bonds and chains of this captivity will be forged anew…
But the sorrow of rising up to fight against the oppressors is not a source of despair for me; on the contrary, it is the very essence of the flow of life and the meaning of existence. In this empty and meaningless world where I have found my own meaning, merely surviving and bowing to oppression out of fear of death is nothing but shame and humiliation.
Yours faithfully,
Your supporter and defender.”
According to the Kurdistan Human Rights Network (KHRN), the two brothers had previously been subjected to repeated pressure, threats, and detention by security forces due to their cultural activities and participation in anti-government protests.
It was reported that approximately one year ago, the two brothers, along with other cultural and literary activists, contributed to the establishment of the Darreh Drezh Kurdish library and organized cultural and artistic events to foster a sense of social solidarity among children and youth in the impoverished region. It is also known that the two brothers participated in the organization of many Newroz celebrations in the city and carried out various artistic projects in Kermanshah.
Deaths continue after the ceasefire
Since the ceasefire declared between Iran and the U.S. on April 7, 2026, the Iranian regime’s arrests, political executions, capital punishments, and attacks on Kurdish regions have continued. Human rights organizations have reported that this repression and the massacres have continued even after the ceasefire.
Individuals killed and executed by the Iranian regime following the April 7 ceasefire
April 7, 2026
Mohsen Eslamkhah
Hana Human Rights Organization reported that Mohsen Eslamkhah, a detained individual from Bukan, has been sentenced to death by the judiciary of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
April 14, 2026
Ghazal Mawlan
Ghazal Mawlan, an 18-year-old Komala member who was severely injured during Iran’s drone strike targeting opposition groups in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, has passed away. Human rights organizations reported that some hospitals refused to provide treatment due to fear of political pressure.
April 17, 2026
3 killed in attack on PDKI camp
Following the ceasefire, three people lost their lives in an attack carried out by Iranian unmanned aerial vehicles on a PDKI camp in Iraqi Kurdistan. Two women were among the deceased.
April 25, 2026
Nasser Bakerzadeh
The Supreme Court of Iran upheld the death sentence of Nasser Bakerzadeh, a 26-year-old Kurdish prisoner detained in Orumiyeh Central Prison.
May 2, 2026
Nasser Bakerzadeh and Yaghoub Karimpour
In the early hours of May 2, Nasser Bakerzadeh, a Kurdish Sunni, and Yaghoub Karimpour, a disabled Azerbaijani Turk Yarsani citizen, were secretly executed in Orumiyeh Central Prison without prior notification to their lawyers or families. It was noted that prison authorities have since prevented the handover of their bodies. KHRN learned that both individuals had been transferred from the general ward to a security unit in the city on April 30, where they were pressured to record forced video confessions.
May 4, 2026
Mehrab Abdollahzadeh
Kurdish political prisoner Mehrab Abdollahzadeh was secretly executed in Orumiyeh Central Prison without any prior notification given to his family or defense lawyers. Security forces refused to hand over his body to his family.
May 21, 2026
Ramin Zaleh and Karim Maroufpour
Two Kurdish political prisoners, Ramin Zaleh and Karim Maroufpour, who were sentenced to death on charges of “armed rebellion,” were secretly executed in Naqadeh Prison in the early hours of May 21. No prior notice was given to their families or lawyers.
May 23, 2026
Ghazi Kawani
According to reports received by the Hana Human Rights Organization, Ghazi Kawani, a Kurdish shopkeeper from Doletu village in Sardasht County, passed away on May 23 due to severe injuries. Kawani had been critically wounded a few days earlier by direct fire from the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran along the Jasousan border corridor.
May 28, 2026
Waisi brothers
Mojtaba Veysi and Meysam Veysi, two Kurdish Yarsani brothers and cultural activists from Kermanshah, were killed by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) forces on May 28 in Ghaleh-Kouhesh village, located in the Dalahu county of Kermanshah province.
May 28, 2026
Ramazanpour and Marefati
Esmaeil Ramazanpour, 38, residing in Yazd, and Arman Marefati, a 30-year-old Kurdish civilian from Saqqez in Kurdistan Province, were sentenced to death on charges of “enmity against God” in connection with the December 2025–January 2026 protests.
May 30, 2026
Raouf Sheikh-Maroufi and Mohammad Faraji
Hana Human Rights Organization learned that the Supreme Court upheld the death sentences of two Kurdish political prisoners, Raouf Sheikh-Maroufi and Mohammad Faraji. The cases of these two individuals, who reside in Bukan and were detained during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising, have been referred to the Sentence Enforcement Branch.
767
The number of reported detentions during the period from the ceasefire to April 21.
36
The total number of executions reported by KHRN during the war and ceasefire process.
Sources: Kurdistan Human Rights Network (KHRN), Iran Human Rights (IHRNGO), Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI). Chronological data only covers deaths, executions, and attacks reported after the April 7, 2026 ceasefire.
*This infographic was created with AI tools, utilizing data from the specified sources.
