May 1st in Turkey, lastly celebrated in Taksim Square in 2012. We have compiled a chronicle of May 1st celebrations marked by police interventions and mass detentionsagainst the ban on Taksim.
Photo: Murat Bay
Since 1976, May 1st in Turkey has been defined by the persistence of workers to reach Taksim Square. Following the “1977 May Day Massacre,” the square became both a symbol of labor rights and the country’s most contested protest site. Despite long-standing bans, unions and leftist organizations continue to claim Taksim as the traditional heart of May Day celebrations.
Here is a summary of the events following the ban on Taksim Square over the last 13 years:
May Day in Istanbul from 2013 to 2025: The Taksim ban, police interventions, mass detentions, and the ongoing struggle.
1,000+
Total detentions (at least)
13 years
Ongoing Taksim ban
100+
Total number of arrests
2013
Following its reopening in 2010, Taksim was banned once again. The Governor’s Office cited the “pedestrianization project” as the reason. Extraordinary security measures were taken across the city; bridges were raised, and roads were closed. Hours-long police interventions occurred in many areas, particularly Beşiktaş and Şişli. Even hospitals and homes were affected by tear gas. It was reported that 30,000 police officers were deployed to Taksim that day. According to the Governor’s Office, 25 protesters (3 serious), 6 journalists, and 22 police officers (3 serious) were injured.
72 detentions
2014
Taksim Square was completely cordoned off. Intense tear gas and water cannons were used throughout the day in Şişli, Mecidiyeköy, and surrounding areas. Health institutions and journalists were also impacted by the interventions.
171 detentions • 12 journalists injured
2015
Entry to Taksim was prohibited. Only a limited number of unions were allowed to lay wreaths at the monument. Interventions targeted small groups across the city. Allegations surfaced regarding police entering political party buildings.
203 detentions, 13 arrested
2016
Celebrations were moved to Bakırköy. Despite this, interventions continued against groups attempting to reach Taksim. Various political and union groups were redirected to alternative areas. A citizen named Nail Mavuş lost his life after being crushed due to an uncontrolled maneuver by a water cannon vehicle (TOMA).
231 detentions, 5 arrested
2017
The Taksim ban remained in effect. Groups gathering at various points in Istanbul were detained, including individuals attempting to hold sit-in protests.
165 detentions
2018
The Governor’s Office rejected all applications. The rally site was moved to Maltepe. Taksim was sealed off with barriers starting from the early hours of the morning.
84 detentions
2019
Interventions were carried out against groups gathering in Şişli. Detentions of those attempting to march toward Taksim continued throughout the day.
119 detentions
2020
Curfews under pandemic conditions were cited as grounds for restrictions. Reports included allegations of ill-treatment, assault, and reverse-handcuffing during detentions.
48 detentions
2021
Despite the curfew, groups attempting to march to Taksim faced harsh intervention. Union representatives were among those detained.
212 detentions
2022
After a two-year hiatus, a mass rally was held in Maltepe. Groups heading toward Taksim were once again blocked, leading to further detentions.
100+ detentions
2023
Numerous groups attempting to march to Taksim from Şişli and Beşiktaş were detained. There were attempts to prevent members of the press from recording the events.
80+ detentions
2024
The Constitutional Court (AYM) ruled that Taksim is a legitimate May Day site and declared the Governor’s ban a “rights violation.” Thousands gathered in Saraçhane to march to Taksim, but police blocked the route with barricades. The confrontation lasted approximately 1.5 hours, followed by house raids. In 2025, the court found the ban to be unlawful.
268 detentions, 77 arrested
2025
Operations were conducted against organizations calling for a Taksim gathering. Throughout the day, barricades in Mecidiyeköy were challenged amidst ongoing interventions. According to the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD), a total of 419 people, including 10 children and 11 lawyers, were detained in Şişli.
419 detentions, 13 arrested
Source: Human rights organizations and press compilations.
2013: The return of the ban
After allowing celebrations in 2010, the AKP government reimposed the ban in 2013. The Governor’s Office cited a “pedestrianization” project as the reason.
30,000 officers were deployed.
Bridges of Galata and Unkapanı were dismantled to block access.
Police used tear gas and water cannons against groups in Beşiktaş and Şişli. Tear gas was fired at ambulances and into the garden of Şişli Etfal Hospital.
At least 72 people were detained.
2014, May 1
Taksim was closed to everyone except police and accredited journalists.
While small pro-government unions were briefly allowed to lay wreaths, others faced heavy intervention in Tarlabaşı, Şişli, and Beşiktaş.
22 people were hospitalized with fractures, 12 journalists were injured by gas canisters and rubber bullets.
171 people were detained.
2015, May 1
Unions like DİSK and KESK insisted on Taksim, but were blocked.
Police fired tear gas into the CHP district building in Beşiktaş.
203 people were detained; 13 were officially arrested.
2016, May 1
Major unions (DİSK, KESK, TMMOB, TTB) decided to hold the main rally in Bakırköy for this year only. However, other leftist groups still marched toward Taksim.
231 detentions and 5 arrests near Beşiktaş and Şişli.
2017, May 1
The Interior Minister announced Taksim would remain closed. Main unions moved to Bakırköy again.
165 people attempting to reach Taksim were detained across various districts.
2018, May 1
Main unions moved to Maltepe, while socialist groups headed for Taksim.
The square was completely surrounded by barriers early in the morning; even journalists were barred.
84 people were taken into custody.
2019, May 1
Groups gathered at Şişli Cevahir Mall to march to Taksim but were met with police intervention.
119 people were detained.
2020, May 1
During the pandemic, 48 people were detained. Lawyers from ÇHD reported that detainees were subjected to “plastic handcuff torture,” beatings, and insults. One person’s arm was broken during the intervention.
2021, May 1
Despite a lockdown and rejected applications, unions tried to march from Dolmabahçe.
212 people were detained, many of whom were dragged on the ground. DİSK President Arzu Çerkezoğlu was among those detained.
2022, May 1
After a two-year pandemic break, mass celebrations returned.
At least 100 people were detained while trying to reach the square from multiple points. The official rally was held in Maltepe.
2023, May 1
Groups from various unions and socialist parties attempted to walk from Şişli and Beşiktaş.
At least 80 people were detained.
2024: The Saraçhane barricade
Unions and the CHP gathered at Saraçhane to march to Taksim, citing a Constitutional Court ruling that the ban was illegal.
Police formed a massive barricade under the historic Bozdoğan Aqueduct.
Police used water cannons, tear gas, and rubber bullets.
210 people were detained on the day, 47 more were taken in during house raids on May 3.
Governor Davut Gül stated, “The state may leave it for tomorrow, but it won’t let it go unpunished.”
2025, May 1
A new May 1st organizing committee declared “Taksim belongs to the people.”
Police operations targeted organizers on April 29 and 30, around 92 people were detained.
Protesters repeatedly challenged police barriers in Mecidiyeköy throughout the day.
407 people were detained, 7 were arrested. Reports of reverse-handcuffing and police brutality were documented in Mecidiyeköy.
Arin, an Istanbul University student and trans activist facing a disciplinary inquiry, stated, “They cannot usurp the right of LGBTI+ individuals to education.” Lawyers commenting on the matter drew attention to the irregularities and the structural dimensions of these investigations.
Since February 2026, disciplinary investigations have been launched against 13 students at Istanbul University-Cerrahpaşa. Within just two months, a trans activist student was targeted with an investigation based on allegations of “spreading propaganda for a terrorist organization.” Notably, the justification for this allegation was cited under a regulatory article pertaining to “attempting to cheat in exams.”
Arin, a trans activist and student at Istanbul University, described the process of facing a disciplinary inquiry based on “terror propaganda” allegations. Highlighting legal irregularities and contradictions in the proceedings, Arin characterized the experience as an attempt to distance LGBTI+ individuals from universities.
Pointing out that there are two separate disciplinary investigations against them, Arin stated that no specific reasons were provided in the notices:
“The first was initiated based on correspondence from the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Istanbul Police Department. No reason was stated. It did not specify on what grounds they were conducting a disciplinary investigation. Since no specific act was alleged, this directly impacted the right to a defense. In total, 13 people faced investigations; two of those 13 were trans women.”
“Cheating” regulation used as basis for “terror propaganda” allegation
Arin highlighted a striking contradiction in the second investigation file served to them. Despite facing accusations of “spreading propaganda for a terrorist organization” following reports from the Prosecutor’s Office and the Police Department, Arin noted:
“The investigation paper cited ‘terrorist organization propaganda,’ yet the disciplinary article cited as the legal basis was ‘attempting to cheat in exams.’ Neither I nor my lawyers could understand the connection between terror propaganda and cheating. There is no court verdict and no concrete evidence.”
Reporting that police intervened during a planned press statement in front of the campus on the day of the hearing, Arin pointed out the discrepancy between school management and law enforcement:
“While the school administration claims to have opened the investigation based on police reports, the Counter-Terrorism units at the gate claimed they never sent any documents to the school. They are experiencing a major internal contradiction.”
“The LGBTI+ flag is not a crime”
Stating that the allegations are being linked to past participation in Pride Marches and Gezi Park commemorations, Arin argued that the questions asked during the interrogation were ideological rather than legal:
“The reason I was detained during the Gezi commemoration was for carrying an LGBTI+ flag. Now they are trying to associate this flag with terrorism. The rainbow flag is a globally recognized symbol; it is not a crime.”
“They cannot usurp our right to education”
Arin stated that a policy of “domination” is being established against LGBTI+ students as part of “Year of the Family” policies. She noted that being singled out among hundreds of organized youth is related to their gender identity:
“My friends and I were asked questions like ‘Are you LGBT?’, ‘Do you have regrets?’, or ‘Did you attend the March 8th events?'” Arin stated that this is a result of trustees attempting to remove LGBTI+ people from public spaces and campuses. “LGBTI+ people will remain in the squares and on campuses. They cannot usurp our right to education” Arin added.
Warning of the risk of suspension due to “hate policies,” Arin emphasized their commitment to a legal battle: “I believe that since there is no concrete evidence, no penalty should be given. If a penalty is issued, we will take the matter to the Administrative Court and higher courts.”
Lawyer Furkan Yurt: “Vague authorities granted to administration”
Furkan Yurt, legal coordinator for SPOD, emphasized that the administration is abusing its disciplinary authority. Yurt stated that Article 54 of the Higher Education Law (No. 2547) allows for vague interpretations:
“Vague phrases such as ‘attitudes not befitting the dignity of the institution’ grant administrators unlimited room for arbitrariness. Conducting an investigation for ‘terror propaganda’ through an article regulating exam cheating is the clearest example of how the administration can adopt a wholesale and discriminatory approach, disregarding even basic legal grounds.”
According to Yurt, while sexual orientation and gender identity are not crimes, they are being criminalized indirectly:
“A rainbow flag, a rights-based expression, or a peaceful protest can be thrown into this ‘catch-all crime’ category without any concrete link. Additionally, ‘obscenity’ and ‘terrorist propaganda’ are the most frequently used tools. Social media posts and participation in peaceful protests are presented as criminal elements through these articles.”
“Nonconcrete accusationsis a violation of rights“
Yurt noted that the most fundamental violation is forcing an individual to defend themselves without knowing exactly what they are accused of. He argued that the university administration’s insistence on treating acts, which judicial authorities have found not to constitute crimes, as disciplinary offenses is a “usurpation of function and an abuse of authority.”
“A systematic attack on the democratic identity of universities”
Yurt evaluated the increase in investigations against LGBTI+ individuals as a systematic attack:
“This process is a result of the political administration’s vision of a homogenous society and the narrowing of academic freedom. These investigations often aim to intimidate students and target their right to education rather than staying within legal bounds.”
Lawyer Serhat Alan: “Freedom of expression treated as a disciplinary offense”
Lawyer Serhat Alan from the Istanbul Bar Association categorizes student investigations into two types: administrative disciplinary inquiries conducted by universities and criminal investigations handled by the police and prosecutors.
According to Alan, activities falling under freedom of expression; such as hanging posters, distributing leaflets, or joining protests, are entering disciplinary files alongside police charges like “Opposition to Law No. 2911” or “Inciting the public to hatred and hostility.”
“Institutionalized anti-LGBTI+ hate politics”
Linking the increase in investigations to a “regime of attacks” against LGBTI+ individuals, Alan stated:
“The aim of this increase is clear. The state is acting within a regime of attacks against LGBTI+ people. Following the ban on Pride events since 2015 and the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, we are seeing an institutionalized anti-LGBTI+ hate policy, further highlighted by the declaration of the ‘Year of the Family.’ The state uses investigations to prevent solidarity, make LGBTI+ visibility disappear, and block their organizations.”
Alan also pointed out that these pressures aim to isolate young LGBTI+ individuals and break the momentum of youth movements that have grown since March 19, 2025.
“Legislation lacks a gender lens”
Alan argued that the discrimination faced by LGBTI+ students is tied to legislation that ignores gender perspectives:
“YÖK (Council of Higher Education) legislation and internal school regulations tend to subject LGBTI+ individuals to discrimination because all regulations are drafted without a gender lens. This manifests in the refusal to recognize gender identity, the binary arrangement of facilities like toilets and dorms, the absence of effective sexual harassment prevention units, and issues with changing names on diplomas.”
Press statement was done against inquiries on April 27
A press statement was held on April 27 at Istanbul University for the students facing investigations. The statement, organized by the Istanbul University Student Assembly, is as follows:
TO THE PRESS AND THE PUBLIC
The Rectorate of Istanbul University-Cerrahpaşa (IÜC) is intensifying its policies of pressure against students every passing day.
In February 2026, disciplinary investigations were launched against 13 students, citing their participation in peaceful protests and subsequent detentions. The basis for these investigations was a police report whose content was withheld from the students. This situation clearly violates the “right to know the charges,” which is the most fundamental element of the right to a defense.
Investigations, arrests, and pressure cannot intimidate us.
The question “Are you full of regret?” directed at some students during this process demonstrates that disciplinary mechanisms have been transformed into tools for coercion and forced confession.
We will not remain silent, we are not afraid, we will not obey.
Less than two months after these processes, the appointed IÜC rectorate has now launched a disciplinary investigation against an LGBTI+ activist on allegations of “spreading terrorist organization propaganda.” Furthermore, there is neither an indictment nor an active court case regarding these claims.
Additionally, this investigation is based on Article 54/5 of the YÖK Disiplin Regulation (a provision regarding the act of attempting to cheat). The blatant contradiction between the alleged act and the legal basis proves that this process is being conducted arbitrarily and lacks any legal foundation.
Despite requests for additional time to prepare a defense, these requests were rejected on the grounds of a police notification stating that “proceedings must be completed within 30 days,” effectively eliminating the right to a defense.
We state clearly: Following students at campus exits, profiling them, and threatening them is a clear method of harassment and intimidation. These practices target the safety of students and place campus life under duress.
The consequences of this climate of pressure are fresh in our memories. İlayda Zorlu was taken from life following a process of pressure and manipulation conducted through the cooperation of the family, state, and police. This loss demonstrates once again the severe consequences of the policies of pressure carried out both on and off campus.
YÖK, police, media—this blockade will be broken!
Therefore, we state clearly: Let those who follow and threaten students on campuses know that this is harassment. We do not accept it.
Long live our organized struggle.
The right to assembly, demonstration, and making press statements, guaranteed under the Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights, cannot be made subject to permission. The precedents of the ECHR and the Council of State clearly reveal that disproportionate interventions against peaceful actions are unlawful.
These processes are not merely individual; they represent a systematic crackdown on freedom of expression, the right to organize, and LGBTI+ existence on campuses.
Let the appointees who attempt to drive LGBTI+ individuals out of campuses under the guise of the “Family Year” know that LGBTI+ people have not given up on the streets or the campuses for years, and they never will.
As students of Istanbul University-Cerrahpaşa, we believe that universities must be independent, democratic areas for scientific production; we believe this, and we will continue to do our part to ensure it.
We address those who try to pressure us with unlawful investigations and policies of intimidation from here:
YÖK, trustees, media—this blockade will be broken! Universities will be liberated with us!
We stand by all our friends facing investigations and we will not take a step back from our struggle.
Hogir Alay and Gökhan Kumak were found hanging from a tree in refugee camps in Germany. Alay and Kumak are just two of the Kurdish refugees who have reportedly committed suicide in German camps in recent years. These two suicides, which occurred in 2023 and 2024, raise questions about the safety of the refugee camps. The families are awaiting justice.
A refugee camp in Germany, Photo: planet-wissen.de
Hogir Alay and Gökhan Kumak are only two of the Kurdish refugees who have lost their lives in refugee camps in Germany in recent years. Hogir went from Mardin to Germany in 2022, and Gökhan went from Şırnak in 2023 to seek asylum. On this journey, which they embarked upon due to political pressure or the goal of building a better life, they spent a long time trying to reach Germany illegally. At the end of this period, they experienced difficult days in the camps they arrived at. After a while, their bodies were found hanging from trees inside the refugee camps. Alay’s body was found 24 days later in a wooded area within the garden of the camp where he stayed.
German authorities announced that both Alay and Kumak had committed suicide. However, according to their families, there was no reason for their children to take their own lives. Despite the time that has passed, they want the causes of their children’s deaths to be investigated. They claim there was negligence on the part of relevant institutions and individuals in Germany.
Why are refugees committing suicide in Germany?
According to data reflected in the press and public opinion, dozens of Kurdish refugees have ended their lives in Germany since 2023. 17-year-old Mustafa Baki from Kobanî, Mehvan Muhammed Süleyman from Duhok, 28-year-old Fethullah Aslan in a psychiatric institution in Berlin, and Mustafa Polat in Erfurt are just a few names on this list.
According to data from the refugee counseling center Pena-Ger, 32 suicide attempts occurred in the state of Saxony in 2024 alone. However, according to Pena-Ger, the real figures are much higher, as ethnic origin records are not kept and many cases go ‘undocumented.’
Between 1993 and 2018, 288 suicide cases were documented in refugee camps in Germany. Today, it is recorded that there are approximately 30 suicides and 400 attempts per year.
Hanging, jumping from heights, or overdosing
Refugees most often commit suicide in or around the camps where they stay, while their asylum process is ongoing or under the threat of deportation. This most frequently occurs in the form of hanging oneself from a tree, jumping from a height, or overdosing. It was announced that Gökhan Kumak and Hogir Alay also committed suicide by hanging themselves.
Hogir Alay’s body was found 24 days later
Hogir Alay lost his life on October 11, 2023. His body was found on November 4 by someone else staying at the AfA-Kusel refugee camp where he resided. In other words, Alay’s body emerged 24 days later. As stated in the investigation file, the location where the body was found was the wooded area right behind the gym inside the camp.
On October 11, Alay called his father several times, as well as his brother and his brother’s wife, but could not reach them. After this attempt, which took place around 18:00 on the same day, his family could never reach Hogir’s phone again.
Screen recordings showing Şiyar Alay’s correspondence with authorities via email
According to the family’s claim, during the following days when they could not hear from their child, they wrote an email to the refugee camp where Hogir stayed through their other child, Şiyar Alay, who is a refugee in Austria. In the official email written in response to Şiyar Alay dated October 25, it was explicitly stated that the police could not establish any contact with Hogir and that attempts made through Social Services (Sozialdienst) had been inconclusive.
In the file prepared regarding Alay’s death, according to the security guards of the camp, Alay’s last entry-exit record via ID card scan was made on October 11, 2023, at 16:27. It is stated that he entered the facility at that hour. It is noted that on October 17, 2023, he was reported missing because he could not be found in the accommodation facility during patrols.
Official Investigation Document of the Kaiserslautern Police Department
Alay’s brother Rêber Alay told Niha+: “On November 4, news came to us from the camp. They saw him and said he had lost his life. They realized it was him because he had an AK-47 tattoo on his chest. He had a tattoo on his chest.” In the investigation and autopsy reports, it is stated that because the body had remained outside for a long time, it had become unrecognizable, his identity could not be determined, and identification was only possible with the tattoo on his chest. The news of Hogir Alay’s death was officially conveyed to Turkey’s Consulate General in Mainz by the police on November 6, 2023, at 11:52.
Hogir Alay before going to Germany as a refugee
Rêber Alay rebels against this situation: “His feet are touching the ground. There are photos. Also, his body is very battered. Decayed. He must have been hanging for 24 days. If he is in the camp and in a visible place, how could this child have been hanging for 24 days? Thousands of people stay in 그 camp. During this time, camp authorities did not ask if this child was missing. They notified the police after it became clear he was dead. Something striking is that they say everyone who died hanged themselves. Don’t people who commit suicide try another method? This is a question mark. They are all diagnosed as dying from heart failure. It was said that Hogir died the same way. It was written that Hogir drank a lot, and there was two per mille alcohol in his blood. It is claimed that Hogir actually fainted before hanging himself, and died not from suffocation but from heart failure.”
Hogir Alay while at the refugee camp in Germany
He went through illegal routes
Hogir Alay went from Mardin to Germany through illegal routes a year and a half before he died, in 2022. According to his family’s account, while Hogir was in Mardin, he participated in protests for Kobanî and was investigated for this. In the face of both this investigation and the difficulties he experienced due to refusing mandatory military service, he decided to go to Germany with his wife. It is claimed that before his death, Hogir repeatedly complained about poor living conditions, discrimination, and violence perpetrated by security personnel and social workers, but these complaints were not forwarded to the relevant authorities.
Investigation document showing Hogir Alay’s official date of death
His brother Rêber Alay confirmed that his brother had problems with camp authorities: “One day, in front of everyone, Hogir says, ‘if I am killed here, either they killed me or I will kill the security guard.’ They couldn’t get along.” In the report prepared by the Hogir Alay Initiative, which was established to continue the search for justice after Hogir Alay’s death, it is stated that Alay complained about constant room changes and psychological pressure during his stay at the camp. It is alleged that security personnel subjected him to systematic harassment and physical attacks.
Last location information taken from Hogir Alay’s phone
Complaints were not forwarded on the grounds of “protecting the institution’s reputation”
The claim that Alay wanted to convey these complaints to the management unit, but the translators at the camp refused to translate these statements on the grounds of “protecting the reputation of the institution,” is included in the file. In the investigation file, criminal records regarding Hogir Alay’s past and turmoils in his private life have been added by the authorities as ‘psychological factors triggering suicide.’ However, according to refugee rights defenders and the family, the personal crises an individual is in do not alleviate the camp management’s responsibility to ‘protect the right to life’; on the contrary, it increases the obligation of supervision and protection toward an individual at risk.
The case is closed quickly in Germany
It is understood from the information reflected in the investigation file that an autopsy of Hogir Alay was performed in Germany. The autopsy was conducted on November 9, 2023, at the Institute of Forensic Medicine at Saarland University in Homburg. Regarding the family’s claims that an autopsy was not performed, the Kaiserslautern Chief Public Prosecutor stated in a 2025 letter that this claim does not reflect the truth, emphasizing that comprehensive autopsy and toxicology reports are available in the file.
Despite this, the family demands an autopsy in Turkey as well: “After he came to Turkey, we didn’t think of anything at first. Then after thinking a bit, we took him out of the ground. We had an autopsy done. According to the autopsy, it is said his front teeth had fallen out. One of his bones was broken, his heart and some of his organs were decomposed, some were missing. It is said the higher board of the Forensic Medicine Institute in Turkey will give the final result. A year and a half later, after the autopsy, Germany sent its own autopsy to the prosecutor here. What do the authorities here say now? We will put Germany’s and our own autopsy side by side. Let’s see what comes out. In the end, they also made their own autopsy reports like the one in Germany. Now they also say Hogir hanged himself,” says Rêber Alay.
From the preliminary autopsy report of the Istanbul Forensic Medicine Institute regarding Hogir Alay
His father Abdülvahap Alay filed a criminal complaint with German institutions through the Kızıltepe Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. In the complaint, he claims that there was no possibility of their child committing suicide and that he might have been a victim of murder. Despite this application, the Zweibrücken Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office stated that Hogir took his own life, claiming that he did not commit suicide under the influence of someone else, but due to his internal problems. Furthermore, it noted that there was no information or findings regarding the possibility of him being killed by others and closed the investigation it conducted on the grounds that no criminal situation was detected.
In the investigation file in question, it is stated that no direct connection could be established between Alay’s past frictions with security personnel and the death event. The German prosecutor’s office points to the fact that Hogir Alay personally declared in his statement dated August 4, 2023, that he had “made peace with the security personnel” as evidence that conflicts within the camp had no link to the suicide decision. According to the information provided by Rêber Alay, some of his brother’s personal belongings and phone have not yet been delivered to them. The investigation opened in Turkey continues.
Kumak: They will kill me
Gökhan Kumak, like Hogir Alay, committed suicide in the camp where he lived in Germany. Kumak went to Germany through illegal routes in January 2023. He was 34 years old. He was a long-haul truck driver. He used to carry cargo to and from Iran and Iraq. According to his family’s account, he decided to go to Germany saying, “I don’t have a profession, I can’t see a future, let me go to Germany, maybe I’ll get residency and build a good life for myself.” After staying in the first camp where refugees are accepted for the first 8 months, Kumak was sent to a camp called a heim where he would stay permanently. Kumak, who stayed here for 6 months, constantly called his family during this time, claiming that he would be killed. The family states that their child’s psychology deteriorated greatly due to this situation. His brother Eser Kumak told Niha+: “Before he died, he called my father. He says, ‘I’m afraid the German police will bring trouble upon me. They will kill me, they will burn me.’ Something happened to him in the heim, I don’t know that. He suffered a lot in the camp. He said the German police set Afghans upon him.”
Before losing his life, Gökhan calls his father and says that they have ruined his psychology, that it is a very serious matter, and asks them to save him.
Gökhan lost his life on April 2, 2024.
However, his family was informed on April 9: “One day we couldn’t get news. He had a friend. I called him, I told him we couldn’t reach my brother. I said, don’t you see Gökhan? He said, ‘don’t call me,’ he said, ‘I don’t know where Gökhan is.’ There was someone else next to him. He said, his voice came to me, ‘tell them the police came and took Gökhan and Gökhan died.’ The other kid said, ‘don’t involve me, don’t involve me, don’t call me,’ and after day he blocked me. He was an Afghan boy. But he was using a number from Turkey.”
Gökhan Kumak
Eser Kumak stated that official authorities from Germany did not reach them. Gökhan Kumak’s body, like Hogir Alay’s body, was seen hanging from a tree in the forest. It was sent to Turkey on April 14, 2024. In the autopsy performed, it was written that he had a heart attack. However, the family does not believe this finding. Eser Kumak states that due to the heavy situation they experienced, they could not think to request an autopsy in Turkey as well. The family provided the information that no investigation has been opened in Turkey regarding Gökhan Kumak.
Someone from Germany calls the family: Don’t go to the ECHR On April 18, 2026, someone who identified herself as Ute Classen and stated she was a social service official in the city of Bad Wildungen sent voice messages to the family via WhatsApp from Germany. In the voice recording sent in German, the person states that Gökhan had psychological problems, that everyone tried to help him, but he committed suicide nonetheless. The voice recording also says, “I would not recommend you to apply to the European Court, because here in Bad Wildungen, nothing happened to justify this.”
Gökhan Kumak
Pena-Ger: Suicide attempts of refugees are not being recorded
Pena-Ger is a non-profit non-governmental organization providing online counseling services for refugees throughout Germany. Dealing with the files of Gökhan Kumak and Hogir Alay, the organization is preparing to restart the legal process for both files. According to Pena-Ger, a series of death cases occurring among Kurdish refugees in Germany in recent years, which are mostly evaluated as suicides, are known. However, according to the organization, there is no precise statistical record specific to this group, and they argue that this lack of data points to a more fundamental problem: that suicides or suicide attempts among refugees in general are not systematically recorded in Germany.
According to DRK Rheinland-Pfalz, which operates as part of the Red Cross in the German state of Rhineland-Palatinate, a large portion of these cases remain invisible because they are not recognized or documented as a result of structural problems. This invisibility leads political decision-makers to not take the need for adequate psychosocial support for refugees seriously enough, and this situation leads to serious consequences. The organization states that despite this, structural patterns are identified through individual cases and media and civil society reports.
“Problems of Kurdish refugees remain invisible”
Pena-Ger draws attention to another point: neither the German Federal Statistical Office nor the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees makes a distinction based on ethnic origin. Therefore, the specific problems experienced by Kurdish refugees in particular remain statistically invisible. Especially collective accommodation centers, deportation detention, and similar restrictive conditions negatively affect psychological health. Isolation, lack of privacy, and constant fear of deportation deepen existing crises and increase suicidal thoughts. At the same time, the psychological problems of refugees are frequently distorted in the public eye through a security perspective.
Pena-Ger believes the causes of the suicide cases and attempts are structural. In addition to inadequate psychological support, the failure to forward complaints, insufficient protection mechanisms, and staff shortages, it is stated that living conditions within the acceptance system lead to re-traumatization. Long asylum processes, collective housing, lack of privacy, and constant uncertainty deepen existing traumas. The legal situation regarding access to health services is also thought to be a critical factor. It is stated that the Asylbewerberleistungsgesetz (AsylbLG) seriously restricts access to psychotherapy in particular. In the first 36 months, only acute illnesses are treated. This leads to many refugees being unable to access the necessary treatment.
Beybûn Şeker from Pena-Ger states that as an institution, they try to offer active support: “Every day we encounter people who experience suicidal thoughts or live in deep despair without support. In Germany, the mental health of refugees usually comes to the agenda for a short time only after sensational events. Millions of refugees are portrayed as threats by being generalized, but this is not the solution.”
Amnesty International’s report exposes the lawlessness, discrimination, and rights violations perpetrated by nations -most notably the US, Russia, China, the UK, and Israel- while asserting that a new history of humanity is being written by the people resisting these injustices.
The 406-page report, titled The State of the World’s Human Rights 2025/26, evaluates 144 countries. It emphasizes that the international legal framework was significantly undermined in 2025, largely driven by the actions of the USA, Israel, and Russia. The report highlights that despite ceasefires, Israel continued its genocidal actions through illegal settlements and the obstruction of aid, while expanding its military offensive into countries such as Lebanon and Iran.
As the world endures one of its darkest periods of institutional impunity and state violence, the report notes that resistance has spread in equal measure. Port workers across several European countries formed a global solidarity network, putting their bodies on the line to block arms shipments to Israel. Meanwhile, youth movements from Indonesia to Peru targeted systemic injustice, transforming the streets into “spaces of transformation” throughout 2025.
“Time to write the history of human rights”
In the report’s foreword, Agnés Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International, stated:
“As Amnesty International has long warned, a global environment where primitive ferocity could flourish has been long in the making. But in 2025, accelerants were recklessly poured over dry kindling, as sharp U-turns were taken away from the international order that had been imagined out of the ashes of the Holocaust and the utter destruction of world wars, and constructed slowly and painfully, albeit insufficiently, over these past 80 years.”
Callamard emphasized that resistance is also about clarifying what needs to be transformed, urging people to find the courage to change as the very structures built over the last 80 years face destruction:
“We must imagine a transformed and transformative human rights vision for the world that we are becoming, not merely defend human rights in terms of the world we once were. Together, we must then lead that transformation into existence, with all our creativity, determination and resilience. History is not just something that is done to us. It is also ours to make. And for the sake of humanity, it’s time to make human rights history.”
The report documented protester deaths resulting from the unlawful use of force in countries including Turkey, Angola, Cameroon, Ecuador, Indonesia, Kenya, Madagascar, Pakistan, and Peru. In nations such as Afghanistan, Belarus, Burkina Faso, China, Cuba, Mali, Myanmar, Nicaragua, North Korea, Russia, Uganda, and Venezuela, authorities reportedly used enforced disappearances of human rights defenders, activists, and journalists to spread fear. Many other countries, including Iran and Saudi Arabia, continued to resort to the death penalty.
Turkey: Rise in baseless investigations and convictions
The report brings to light allegations of torture and rights violations by law enforcement against protesters in Turkey, alongside a culture of impunity. It further highlights an increase in baseless investigations and convictions targeting human rights defenders, noting that executive interference in the judiciary has deepened. Key findings include:
The report notes legislative proposals aimed at criminalizing LGBTI+ and their advocates. Similar to Hungary, Turkey banned Pride Marches, where law enforcement used unlawful force. The report also recorded bans placed on LGBTI+ associations.
The report recorded the detention of hundreds of peaceful protesters following the detention of Ekrem İmamoğlu, Mayor of Istanbul and CHP presidential candidate. Unlawful force was documented during the March 19-26, 2025, protests sparked by operations against the CHP and İmamoğlu’s detention.
Despite European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) rulings and the Council of Europe’s 2022 infringement proceedings, figures such as Osman Kavala, Selahattin Demirtaş, and Figen Yüksekdağ remain imprisoned.
The report identified unlawful force by both the judiciary and law enforcement during protests following the prison sentence handed to Abdullah Zeydan, the elected mayor of Van Metropolitan Municipality.
Rights violations during May Day protests and subsequent house raids were highlighted. In 2025, 294 femicides were committed by men, while 297 women were found dead under suspicious circumstances.
Escalating violence in the Middle East and North Africa
The report underscores a surge in attacks by various actors across the Middle East. Notable findings include:
Israeli attacks in Gaza continued through 2025, killing approximately 27,000 Palestinians (60% of whom were women and children). Systematic destruction of housing and infrastructure decimated living conditions. An 18-year blockade was tightened, leaving half a million people facing famine and banning medical evacuations.
Israel conducted military strikes against Lebanon, Iran, Qatar, Syria, and Yemen. Targeting civilian sites in Iran (such as Evin Prison) was classified as a war crime. While a new era began in Syria with the fall of the Assad regime, sectarian massacres continued. In Yemen, the humanitarian crisis deepened following a cut in US aid.
Non-independent judiciaries in Egypt, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq handed down politically motivated prison sentences. Peaceful protests were crushed in Iran, Algeria, and Tunisia. Racial attacks and collective expulsions of Black refugees increased in Tunisia and Algeria, while Libya remained a spot for the torture and arbitrary detention of migrants.
Global impunity and the reluctance of states
By early 2026, the unlawful use of force by the US and Israel against Iran -violating the UN Charter- triggered retaliatory strikes against Israel and Gulf Cooperation Council countries. The US, Israel, and Russia further weakened international accountability mechanisms, specifically the International Criminal Court (ICC).
The Trump administration imposed sanctions on ICC staff and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, while Russian courts issued arrest warrants for ICC officials. Most states remained reluctant to activate mechanisms to block the aggressive actions of the US, Russia, Israel, or China.
In Brazil, police operations in impoverished neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro resulted in over 120 deaths, mostly among Black residents. In Afghanistan, the Taliban escalated its oppressive policies, banning women from education, work, and travel.
Floods in Pakistan displaced millions, while New Delhi recorded the world’s most polluted air. Pacific islands face an existential threat from rising sea levels.
Activism against the flow of weapons to Israel expanded globally. Port workers in France, Greece, Italy, Morocco, Spain, and Sweden blocked shipment routes. An increasing number of states acknowledged that Israel is committing genocide, with many joining the “Hague Group” or contributing to South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
In 2026, the Spanish government maintained a principled stance against these violations.