The trans women detained on the night of September 26 were released in the morning following police processing.
A police operation was conducted late last night (September 26) on the homes of trans women located on Bayram Street in Beyoğlu, Istanbul.
Twelve trans women were detained as a result of the operation. Kaos GL announced that the detained trans women were released following police processing.
The “We Want Freedom” Campaign Group condemned the raids, noting that lawyers were present with the trans women during the detention process.
“Trans kadınların yaşamlarına el uzatmayı bırakın!”
The campaign group’s statement is as follows:
“The government’s repression and persecution of LGBTI+ individuals continue. We have received reports that police raided the homes of trans women on Bayram Street in Istanbul and detained 12 trans women. Lawyers were present with their trans women clients during the detention process.
This wave of operations—launched under the banner of ‘My Family is Safe’—far from protecting those trapped in a cycle of poverty, violence, and insecurity, deeply impacts the homes, living spaces, friends, and loved ones of trans women.
The detentions and operations must cease immediately. We issue this warning: Stop encroaching upon the lives, homes, and streets of trans women under the pretext of morality!”
What happened?
By the decision of the Istanbul 7th Criminal Judgeship of Peace (Decision No. 2026/9559), access to the websites and social media accounts of numerous LGBTI+ organizations, media outlets, student groups, rights defenders, and activists was blocked on the night of September 12–13. That same night, raids were conducted on associations, homes, and venues in 15 provinces, most notably Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Mersin, and Kuşadası.
Minister of Justice Akın Gürlek described these operations as the “My Family is Safe” operations. Gürlek added that these operations were carried out within the scope of the “Family and Population Decade.” As a result of the operations, many individuals were detained, and 82 people were arrested.
Following the operations conducted on September 12, 2026, which targeted nine civil society organizations, including two associations working in the field of HIV, and resulted in the arrest of 82 people, the “We Want Freedom” Campaign Group announced its formation with the slogan: “Everywhere is a dungeon; we want freedom!”
LGBTI+ individuals detained as part of the “My Family is Safe” operations were subjected to various rights violations during their detention and imprisonment. Lawyer Furkan Yurt reported that terms open to interpretation, such as “public morality” and “sense of decency and modesty”, were used directly as legal grounds in the investigation files, and that lawyers were prevented from accessing their clients for an extended period due to confidentiality orders imposed on the cases.
Photo: Serra Akcan / csgorselarsiv.org
The Kaos GL Association has announced that their friends, who were sent to Sincan Prison as part of the “My Family is Safe” (Ailem Güvende) operations, which began with access restrictions and home raids on September 13, have been subjected to various rights violations.
The rights violations documented by Kaos GL include: forced drug testing, physical violence, and forced hair cutting during detention; the imposition of strip searches in prison; insults and threats targeting sexual orientation and gender identity; intentional isolation and the forced separation of the individuals from one another; denial of access to essential medication, clean water, hygiene products, and clean clothing; and threats to personal safety within the prison.
On September 16, 20 people (at least nine of whom were members of LGBTI+ associations) were arrested out of the 35 individuals detained in Istanbul as part of the “My Family is Safe” operations. In its request for arrest, the prosecutor’s office cited the “best interests of the child,” the “Turkish family structure,” and “public morality” as grounds.
According to a press statement issued yesterday (September 20) by the Istanbul Bar Association’s Human Rights, Lawyers’ Rights, and Women’s Rights Centers, simultaneous operations were carried out against numerous associations and venues on the night of September 12–13; digital devices belonging to associations and individuals were confiscated, and law enforcement officers ransacked certain association offices and private homes. Noting that charges such as “establishing an organization for the purpose of committing a crime,” “drug-related offenses,” “obscenity,” “prostitution,” and “violating the Law on Associations” were leveled in the investigations, the bar association also highlighted Justice Minister Gürlek’s statement that funds received from abroad by certain associations were being examined by Financial Crimes Investigation Board (MASAK).
Attorney Yurt: Concepts open to interpretation are being used as grounds
According to Lawyer Furkan Yurt from the Social Policy, Gender Identity, and Sexual Orientation Studies Association (SPoD), the charges brought in these investigation files are primarily based on allegations of “violating the Law on Associations,” “inciting or mediating prostitution,” “using narcotic substances,” and “establishing an organization for the purpose of committing crimes.”
Attorney Furkan Yurt
Yurt stated that the documents referring to the case for arrest contained no concrete evidence regarding charges other than the alleged violation of the Law on Associations; consequently, the proceedings were effectively being conducted solely on the basis of Article 32/p of the Law on Associations. Explaining that the prosecution and judicial documents cited Articles 13 and 33 of the Constitution to argue that the freedom to form associations could be restricted on grounds such as “public morality,” “public order,” and “prevention of crime,” Yurt further noted that the documents included allegations, based on Article 89 of the Turkish Civil Code, that the association’s purpose had become “contrary to law or morality.”
Yurt also pointed out that, particularly in arrest requests, highly open-ended and broad concepts, such as “public morality,” “sense of decency and modesty,” “society’s moral values,” and the “weakening of the Turkish family structure”, were directly employed as legal grounds by referencing Article 41 of the Constitution, which concerns the “Protection of the Family and Children’s Rights.”
“A confidentiality order has been issued for the case file“
Yurt described the difficulties encountered regarding access to legal counsel during the detention and arrest phases of the “My Family is Safe” operation:
“Following the initial detention procedures, a confidentiality order was issued for the case file; indeed, this order is explicitly cited in the defense statements submitted by the lawyers. Consequently, we were unable to meet with our clients for a long period and were very late in even learning their whereabouts; naturally, access to legal counsel was impossible during this time. Furthermore, because we received much of the information late or incompletely, we were unable to conduct legal consultations at the necessary times. In particular, the process of identifying which prison they had been transferred to and visiting them became a complete ordeal. Currently, our colleagues have been taken to Silivri Prison, and our ability to access a facility located so far outside the city is severely limited.”
Noting that the Kaos GL Association learned of the rights violations through reports from individuals held at Ankara Sincan Prison, Yurt shared the following details regarding the situation in Istanbul:
“As reflected in the interrogation records, some of the suspects personally declared to the court that they had been in custody for four days and were struggling significantly to access medication or medical examinations for serious health issues, such as heart disease. Although the process unfolded somewhat more favorably in other respects, there was a long delay in providing water during the detention period, which approached 72 hours, and their commissary needs have still not been met. It is fair to say that our colleagues were severely underserved regarding nutrition, as their needs for food and other basic provisions were not met immediately upon their admission to Metris Prison.”
“Doctors are acting in violation of the Istanbul Protocol”
Pointing out that such violations ought to be identified during both pre-detention and post-detention medical examinations, Yurt stated, “Unfortunately, because doctors have adopted attitudes contrary to the Istanbul Protocol, we do not know the extent to which these violations have been detected. Moreover, the confidentiality order on the case file prevents us from pursuing legal action regarding any violations that may have been identified. To date, we have utilized the necessary legal and administrative recourse mechanisms regarding rights violations occurring specifically in Istanbul.”
Istanbul Bar Association: Rights defenders criminalized on vague grounds
The Istanbul Bar Association’s Centers for Lawyers’ Rights, Human Rights, and Women’s Rights shared a report with the public yesterday (September 20) at a press conference regarding the operations conducted against LGBTI+ organizations, activists, and journalists, as well as the detentions that took place during protests, between September 12 and 16. The statement outlined the details regarding the 107 individuals detained during a planned press conference in front of the Çağlayan Courthouse, held to protest the “My Family is Safe” operations, as follows:
“Actions were taken against six civil society organizations in Istanbul, and executives and members of these organizations were detained. The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office linked the investigation to grounds such as the ‘best interests of the child,’ ‘protection of the family,’ and ‘shared moral values of society.’ It was reported that 35 people were detained and 20 arrested in Istanbul, and that six associations and ten businesses were included in the scope of the operation. While digital devices belonging to the associations and individuals were seized, access bans constituted the digital component of the operation.
Through access ban decisions issued almost daily since September 12, 2026, numerous websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTI+ organizations, associations, activists, and human rights defenders have been blocked. In addition to the websites of 11 LGBTI+ associations, 32 Twitter/X accounts and 419 other social media accounts were blocked, and access bans were requested for a further 107 accounts. The blocked accounts included those belonging to university LGBTI+ groups, rights organizations, media outlets, journalists, and institutions such as the Ankara Bar Association’s LGBTI+ Rights Center. The scope of these access bans indicates a large-scale intervention targeting the LGBTI+ movement’s spheres of organizing, communication, and expression.”
A confidentiality order was issued for the investigation files, preventing lawyers from accessing the case records. The statement noted that, contrary to this, the principle of the confidentiality of the investigation was disregarded and the contents of the case file were shared with the press, thereby violating individuals’ “right not to be stigmatized.”
The statement further included the following remarks:
“Attempts have been made to criminalize associations and human rights defenders based on abstract and vague grounds; furthermore, the issue of detention and judicial control measures being imposed on individuals, despite the absence of the conditions prescribed by law, has once again come to the fore, highlighting how the measure of detention in Turkey has ceased to be an exception.”
Human rights violations in police custody
Noting that seven of the 107 individuals detained in front of the Çağlayan Courthouse were lawyers affiliated with the Istanbul Bar Association, the center reported that detention proceedings against them continued in violation of the law, despite the lawyers pointing out this fact.
Based on information in the press release, drawing on accounts from eyewitnesses, observers, and defense counsel, the following rights violations were identified:
“The citizens who were detained were not given any announcements by law enforcement to disperse, contrary to national and international legislation, nor was a safe corridor created for them to disperse. In the preliminary interview conducted before the statements were taken, the detained citizens stated that they were directly surrounded by law enforcement, beaten within the circle, had their throats squeezed, and were handcuffed with their hands behind their backs.
A citizen who was put on a bus from the press conference area was severely slapped, had their head slammed against the window, was beaten, and subjected to insults by a police officer inside the bus.
One of the detained citizens had their arm bitten by the police, and another was subjected to such disproportionate police violence that her arm bone was dislocated from their shoulder socket, yet they were not taken to the hospital.
It has been reported to us that citizens whose right to a defense and effective legal assistance is obstructed are not provided with food or water until lawyers arrive at the police station.
Furthermore, regarding the lawyers, it was observed that defense counsel wishing to meet with their detained clients at the Istanbul Provincial Security Directorate were prevented from entering for approximately nine and a half hours, from 15:00 to 00:24; that at 00:24, entry was obstructed by requiring them to enter one by one; and that lawyers were subjected to ill-treatment personally, such as one lawyer being made to wait outside in the cold.
During this process, at all three police departments where detainees were being held, the delivery of outside food was blocked and food provision was delayed; it was stated that the authorities would supply the rations. Furthermore, the provision of dietary alternatives for vegan and vegetarian activists was obstructed by law enforcement.
Following interviews with clients, it was determined that all of the detained citizens were subjected to reverse handcuffing. Three interviewees at the Küçükçekmece Police Station stated that they remained in reverse handcuffs from 12:30 PM until 7:00 PM after being put on the bus,
The protesters, who were being held at the Istanbul Provincial Police Department’s Security Branch, stated that during the initial medical examination, the attending physician did not record the citizens’ claims of ill-treatment on the forensic examination form, that the use of reverse handcuffs continued even at the police station, and that it was only temporarily stopped when they went to the toilet,
Furthermore, they stated that although some of the detained citizens used prescription medication, and had informed law enforcement of this fact, their medications were not provided to them, and requests from female detainees for sanitary pads were not met.”
What happened?
By a decision of the Istanbul 7th Criminal Judgeship of Peace (Decision No. 2026/9559), access to the websites and social media accounts of numerous LGBTI+ organizations, media outlets, student groups, rights defenders, and activists was blocked on the night of September 12–13. That same night, raids were conducted on associations, homes, and venues in 15 provinces, most notably Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Mersin, and Kuşadası.
Justice Minister Akın Gürlek announced via his X account that judicial proceedings had been initiated against 162 individuals, 9 associations, and 13 businesses as part of the operation. Gürlek added that these operations were carried out within the scope of the “Family and Population Decade.”
Following police raids on the Kaos GL association and the homes of its members, the association’s principal and substitute supervisory board members were detained. Police also searched the association’s office and seized digital data and materials.
In Izmir, 16 people were arrested, and in the Kuşadası district of Aydın, 5 people were arrested on charges of “obscenity” and “prostitution.”
As part of the operation targeting Kaos GL, conducted on charges of “obscenity” and “violation of the Law on Associations”, freelance journalist Tuğba Tekerek and seven principal members of the Kaos GL Association’s executive and supervisory boards were arrested.
In Istanbul, the “Istanbul Labor, Peace, and Democracy Forces” and LGBTI+ individuals gathered in front of the Istanbul Courthouse in Çağlayan to protest the operations. A total of 106 people, including BirGün reporter Sarya Toprak, journalist Sener Azak from the German public broadcaster ARD, and several lawyers, were detained following police intervention. Operations were conducted against a total of 54 locations, including 10 businesses and 6 LGBTI+ associations, under the coordination of the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. Of the 35 suspects referred to the courthouse, 20 were arrested and 14 were placed under judicial control, while one individual was released following their statement to the prosecutor. Arrest warrants were issued for 13 individuals reported to be abroad.
Politicians, legal professionals, political parties, and rights advocates have reacted to the operations targeting LGBTI+ associations, venues, and activists. Statements issued asserted that the operation was political and that the existence of the LGBTI+ community was being targeted.
Last night, police conducted simultaneous operations targeting LGBTI+ associations, venues, and activists under the name “My Family is Safe.”
In a post on his social media account, Justice Minister Akın Gürlek announced that the operations were centered in five provinces and covered a total of fifteen provinces, and that legal proceedings were initiated against 162 individuals, nine associations, and thirteen businesses.
Politicians, legal professionals, political parties, and rights advocates reacted to the operations targeting LGBTI+ associations, activists, and venues.
DEM Women’s Assembly: We will never remain silent in the face of attacks!
The Women’s Assembly of Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) stated, “We do not accept the attacks—involving detentions, searches, seizures, and access blocks—targeting LGBTI+ associations, rights defenders, and digital media outlets.”
The statement continued as follows:
“This operation, dubbed ‘My Family is Safe,’ is—as the name implies—an operation aimed at subjugating society. It is clear evidence of the persistent pursuit of policies rooted in monism and sexism.
Every day, women are subjected to violence and murdered within families that are labeled ‘safe.’ Diverse sexual identities do not constitute a security threat to this country, to families, or to society.
The real security issue is the violence, impunity, and discrimination that threaten the lives of women and LGBTI+ individuals.
You cannot keep society safe by silencing human rights defenders, stoking hate crimes, blocking broadcasts, and targeting the freedom of association.
Justice must be for everyone, not just for a single individual or group. The duty of the Ministry of Justice is not to suppress human rights defenders, journalists, LGBTI+ individuals, and democratic organizations, but to safeguard the rights and freedoms of all.
Societal security is achieved not through repression and bans, but by guaranteeing equality, freedom, justice, and the right to life.
As advocates of a shared and equal life together, we will never remain silent in the face of attacks against LGBTI+ individuals!
Those detained must be released immediately!
Justice for all, freedom for all, an equal life for all!”
LGBTİ+ derneklerini, hak savunucularını ve dijital yayın mecralarını hedef alan gözaltı, arama, el koyma ve erişim engelleme saldırılarını kabul etmiyoruz.
“Ailem Güvende” isminin verildiği bu operasyon, adından da anlaşılacağı üzere toplumu tahakküm altına alma operasyonudur.… pic.twitter.com/mvey2Y4XUu
DEM Party MPs Saki and Konukçu issued statements on their social media accounts, reacting to the state’s “policy of impunity.”
In a post on X, DEM Party Istanbul MP Özgül Saki said, “You attack people and the spaces where they show solidarity using fabricated charges.”
Stating that the common denominator among the associations and individuals targeted is their opposition to the “familialist, moralistic, and hate-generating policies” imposed by the government, Saki remarked that, under the guise of “protecting the family,” the government seeks to confine society to a single way of life, target LGBTI+ individuals, and criminalize those fighting for their rights.
LGBTİ+ derneklerine ve aktivistlerine yönelik bu operasyonları kabul etmiyoruz.
DEM Party Istanbul MP Kezban Konukçu also stated that the government, under the guise of “protecting the family,” paves the way for the killing of women and LGBTI+ individuals and encourages this through policies of impunity.
She declared, “Despite hate, Long live life!”
Aileyi değil kadınları, LGBTİ+’ları koruyun!
“Aileyi koruyacağız” diye diye kadınların ve LGBTİ+’ların katledilmesinin önünü açtınız, cezasızlık politikaları ile teşvik ettiniz!
Uydurma suçlarla faşist iktidarınızı tahkim etme politikalarınızın farkındayız ve buna karşı her… https://t.co/wwtAFV0E6F
IHD: We will not yield to the September 12 mentality!
In a statement regarding the operations, the Central LGBTI+ Commission of the Human Rights Association (IHD) declared, “We will not yield to the September 12 mentality.”
Stating that the current situation is not a judicial investigation but rather a political operation—one that aims to eliminate LGBTI+ individuals and independent civil society while forcing society into a monolithic family model under the guise of “protecting the family and children”—the IHD emphasized this “continuity,” noting: “The state mindset of September 12—which shut down associations, banned publications, and demonized those who were different—is being perpetuated today under the name ‘My Family is Safe’ (Ailem Güvende).”
The association concluded: “We stand with LGBTI+ individuals, people living with HIV, and human rights defenders! We will not yield to the September 12 mentality!”
12 EYLÜL ZİHNİYETİNİN “AİLEM GÜVENDE” OPERASYONU: HAK ÖRGÜTLERİNE YÖNELİK SİYASİ TASFİYEYE SON VERİN!
12 Eylül askerî darbesinin yıl dönümünde LGBTİ+örgütlerinin, gazetecilerin ve hak savunucularının hesaplarına erişim engeli getirilmiş; aynı gece saat 01.00’den itibaren çok… pic.twitter.com/69VzgkKlAZ
New Party Izmir Deputy Gökçe Gökçen expressed her reaction with the following words:
“The targeting of LGBTI+ rights defenders amounts to both the penalization of identities and existence and the simultaneous implementation of two bills that failed to pass in parliament. The ‘agent of influence’ law did not pass, and the law against ‘promoting homosexuality’ (!) did not pass.”
“A cheap copy-and-paste example of hate campaigns devised and planned in other countries is being staged in our country, causing great harm to social peace.”
“The banning of a band you listen to, the targeting of an artist whose concert you plan to attend, your child being exposed to workplace fatalities by the ministry, the arrest of a politician you voted for, and the raids conducted on these associations are not isolated incidents; on the contrary, the legitimacy established for one reinforces the others. Therefore, a holistic struggle for rights and freedoms is vital today—and is, in truth, a struggle for dignity.”
LGBTİ+ hakları savunucularının hedef alınması, aynı anda hem kimliklerin ve varoluşun cezalandırılması, hem de meclisten geçirilememiş iki yasanın birden uygulamaya konmasıdır. Etki ajanlığı yasası geçmedi, eşcinselliğe özendirme (!) yasası geçmedi. Geçmemelerinin de bir sebebi…
Karaca: The Minister of Justice is fueling hatred and discrimination
EMEP Deputy Chairperson and Antep MP Karaca reacted to Akın Gürlek, stating, “Imagine a Minister of Justice who criminalizes the constitutional right to organize, personally fuels hatred and discrimination, and spearheads the state-sponsored escalation of hatred and hostility!”
Stating that these operations are conducted to force society into the mold of the “acceptable family” and “acceptable citizen,” Karaca said, “Defending the rights of LGBTI individuals to live and organize means defending the rights and freedoms of everyone in this country.”
Karaca affirmed that they would continue to defend the right to life, equality, constitutional freedoms, and the right to organize against the politics of hatred, repression, and the usurpation of the right to organize, and demanded the release of those detained.
"Aile ve Çocukları Koruma" Kılıfıyla Hedefe Konan Yaşam ve Örgütlenme Hakkıdır!
Bu sabaha karşı LGBTİ derneklerine dönük operasyonda çok sayıda kurum temsilcisi gözaltına alındı.
“Ailem güvende” ismini verdikleri operasyonun kumandasını bizzat Akın Gürlek elinde tutuyor.… https://t.co/RmXbn4QJZ8
The Association of Lawyers for Freedom (ÖHD) stated that the detentions constitute a violation of fundamental rights and freedoms, particularly the freedoms of expression and association.
Noting that the operations coincided with the anniversary of the September 12 coup, the ÖHD remarked, “These events serve as a reminder of just how alive the state’s practices of repression and criminalization directed at diverse identities and lifestyles remain.”
“Defending LGBTI+ rights is not a crime; on the contrary, it is a requirement of a democratic society,” the ÖHD said, calling for an end to the detentions and repressive measures.
Aralarında üyelerimizin de olduğu, Kaos GL Derneği, Spod, Hevi, Pozitif Yaşam Derneği ve diğer tüm LGBTİ+ dernekleri ile hak savunucuları hakkında verilen gözaltı kararları ve yapılan ev baskınlarıyla gerçekleştirilen gözaltılar, ifade ve örgütlenme özgürlüğü başta olmak üzere… pic.twitter.com/2LPzW8i8X8
The Istanbul Branch of the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD) also stated in a post on its X account: “Members serving on the executive and supervisory boards of LGBTI+ associations have been detained in home raids. Association offices are being raided. We stand with LGBTI+ individuals against these attacks that usurp the freedom of association through hate-stoking, moralistic, and family-centric policies!”
LGBTİ+ derneklerinin yönetim ve denetim kurullarında görev yapan üyeler ev baskınlarıyla gözaltına alındı. Dernek ofisleri basılıyor.
SKM: Those detained should be released immediately
In a statement, the Socialist Women’s Assemblies (SKM) asked, “Which family?”
“The male-dominated, heterosexist state is attempting to bring into line—through attacks involving detentions and arrests—anyone who does not fit into the ‘family’ structure where women and LGBTI+ individuals are murdered, subjected to violence, and exploited every day,” the SKM stated, adding, “You cannot erase our existence through detentions, arrests, or bans.”
They called for the immediate release of those detained.
Aralarında Kaos GL yöneticileri ve üyelerinin de bulunduğu çok sayıda LGBTİ+ bugün sabah saatlerinde gözaltına alındı. “Müstehcenlik suçu” ve “Dernekler Kanunu’na muhalefet” gerekçesiyle gerçekleştirilen bu saldırı, “Ailem güvende” olarak adlandırıldı.
A police operation was conducted against the Kaos GL Association during the night. As a result of the operation, members of the executive and supervisory boards, along with alternate members, were detained at their homes. Dozens of websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTQ+ associations and activists were blocked.
A police operation targeting the Kaos GL Association and its members was carried out late last night. As a result of the operation, members of the supervisory and executive boards, along with alternate members, were detained.
Kaos GL reported that nearly 50 LGBTQ+ activists were detained at their homes and that police also entered the association’s office.
Operation “My Family is Safe”
On the night of September 12–13, successive operations targeting LGBTQ+ associations, LGBTQ+ activists, and certain venues were carried out across 15 provinces, including Ankara, Mersin, Kuşadası, Istanbul, and Izmir.
According to a statement posted on X by Justice Minister Akın Gürlek, judicial proceedings were initiated against 162 individuals, 9 associations, and 13 businesses across 15 provinces as part of the “My Family is Safe” (Ailem Güvende) operations, which were conducted under the coordination of the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Offices of Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Aydın, and Mersin.
“Obscenity” accusation against the association
In an investigation conducted by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office Cybercrimes Bureau, the Kaos GL Association faced accusations of “obscenity” regarding content published on its website and social media accounts. In a decision dated September 11, 2026, the Ankara 4th Criminal Judgeship of Peace noted the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office’s allegations that “posts containing obscenity” had been shared on Kaos GL’s website and social media accounts in a manner accessible to children; consequently, the prosecution initiated an investigation under the crime of “obscenity” as defined in Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code.
The fact that the content in question was shared via the association’s official website and social media accounts was also cited as grounds for the investigation. Asserting that the posts were made “using the association’s official web pages and social media accounts as part of the activities of a civil society organization operating under the association’s umbrella,” the prosecution requested an assessment regarding a violation of the Law on Associations.
According to Kaos GL, the decision also authorized the seizure of any evidence, photographs, or printed materials related to the investigation. The judgeship ordered the examination of desktop and laptop computers, mobile phones, tablets, portable storage devices, CDs, DVDs, and other digital materials belonging to the activists. Authorization was also granted to seize the devices if passwords could not be cracked or digital data could not be accessed.
Simultaneous raids on LGBTI+ venues
Coordinated by the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, teams from the Istanbul Provincial Security Directorate and the Provincial Gendarmerie Command conducted simultaneous operations on numerous venues in Beyoğlu and Şişli, alongside the operation targeting Kaos GL. Raids were carried out at various locations, including nightclubs and massage parlors in Taksim, Cihangir, and on Istiklal Avenue.
This operation, conducted under the coordination of the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, was also mentioned in the documentation regarding the police operation against the Kaos GL Association.
Access to websites and social media accounts blocked
Dozens of websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTI+ associations and activists have been blocked by a decision of the Istanbul 7th Criminal Judgeship of Peace, dated September 12, 2026, and numbered 2026/9559.
It was notable that the decisions to block access were issued on a Saturday, outside of standard business hours.
Websites blocked from access: Kaos GL Association, 17 May Association, ÜniKuir, Pembe Hayat Derneği, SPoD, Genç LGBTI+ Derneği, Lambdaistanbul, Muamma LGBTI+ Derneği, velvele.net.
Blocked X accounts: Levent Pişkin , Seyhan Arman, Zeynep Esmeray Özadikti, Yasemin Öz, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi LGBTİA+ Çalışmaları Kulübü, Cinsel Eğitim Tedavi ve Araştırma Derneği, Özgür Renkler Derneği, Queer Adana, Bilkent Üniversitesi resmi LGBTQIA+ öğrenci topluluğu, Velvele, İnter Dayanışma, Cinsel Şiddetle Mücadele Derneği, İzmir LGBTİ+ Onur Haftası.
Instagram accounts blocked from access but not yet rendered invisible from within Turkey: Yıldız Tar, 17 Mayıs Derneği, Seyhan Arman, SPoD, Pembe Hayat Derneği, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi LGBTİA+ Kulübü, Hacettepe Kuir Araştırmaları, Enes Hocaoğulları, HEVİ LGBTİ+ Derneği, İÜ Radar.
Poets Deniz Erkaradağ and Ceren Avşar discussed how queer identity intersects with poetry, the imagery in queer poetry, how the Turkish language creates space for this kind of writing, and the censorship practices they encountered in publishing.
“[…] poetry is not a luxury. It is a vital necessity of our existence. It forms the quality of the light within which we predicate our hopes and dreams toward survival and change, first made into language, then into idea, then into more tangible action.“
-Audre Lorde
As Black lesbian feminist poet Audre Lorde reminds us, poetry is a way of “naming the nameless.” Queer poetry, in this respect, takes on an additional unique burden: to describe an “invisible” experience in a world constructed by the language in which it seeks to exist, while simultaneously challenging the normative boundaries of that language.
The roots of queer poetry in Turkey go back further than commonly believed. From the veiled themes of male desire explored in Divan literature, to Enderunlu Fazıl’s “Defter-i Aşk” (Book of Love) which was confiscated centuries ago, to the poems of Arkadaş Z. Özger, and to the often invisible framework that has grown around organizations like Kaos GL and Lambdaistanbul today, queer poetry has been almost entirely absent from the “mainstream” part of literary history and has had to be gathered from archives, oral history, or independent sources.
Speaking to Niha+, poets Ceren Avşar and Deniz Erkaradağ stated that poetry is not a theme or a subject, but rather a space where language is re-constructed, a space of images and perspectives. Avşar and Erkaradağ discussed both the unexpected freedoms inherent in the genderless nature of the Turkish language and the reality of censorship that still persists at the levels of publishing, distribution, and public visibility.
“Queer poetry is also political”
Deniz Erkaradağ
In Turkey, the category of “political poetry” has long excluded LGBTQ+ identities. Poet Deniz Erkaradağ explained this situation by saying, “There is a field called political poetry, and this field does not include LGBTQ+ identities in any way. When you talk about queer poetry, you encounter something like ‘that’s bourgeois poetry, it’s not political anyway.'” Stating that this distinction does not reflect the truth, Erkaradağ emphasized that both her poetry and queer poetry are political, saying, “My poetry is definitely political, and queer poetry is also political. It’s impossible for me not to reflect this in my writing.”
Ceren Avşar, speaking from a similar perspective, argues that for her, queer identity is not a theme added later to poetry, but a constitutive space at the center of her existence and, consequently, her language. Bringing Judith Butler’s idea of performativity from Gender Trouble to poetry, Avşar explains that language itself is given through the language of power and norms, and that she re-bends, distorts, and reconstructs this while writing. Referring to Michel Foucault’s History of Sexuality, she defines writing poetry as a practice of “counter-discourse” against the discourse produced by power.
Ceren Avşar
Writing in a language without gender
Erkaradağ, interpreting the contributions of Turkish to poetry from a gender perspective, stated that she does not find Turkish “poor” in this regard and that it does not experience a language barrier in terms of identity or gender expression. Erkaradağ also emphasized that some theoretical concepts in academia (for example, “queer” or “gender”) may be controversial.
According to Avşar, who stated that the absence of masculine or feminine suffixes in Turkish opens up a space of freedom in the context of gender and queer existence, Turkish is a direct “opportunity” in this sense. She explained that in many languages, the subject is confined to a binary gender regime from the very first step, while Turkish offers “a neutral playground where ambiguity and fluidity prevail.”
Avşar also relates this to her own experience with dyslexia:
“As someone living with dyslexia, learning another language, penetrating its structure, and being able to write in it is extremely difficult, even impossible, for me. Therefore, the production, the refuge, and the entire universe of expression have become, in a way, necessary to be drawn to a single center: Turkish. However, this situation has transformed my connection with Turkish into an extremely deep and layered relationship. My inability to find resonance in other languages has led me to delve deeper into the veins, flexibilities, and hidden spaces of this single language I can master.
The genderless nature of Turkish makes it easier for me to transcend the sexist boundaries of power and norms within this monolingual universe. I may be limited by the boundaries of a specific language; however, thanks to the timeless and genderless flexibility offered by Turkish, I can create an infinite world of imagery within those boundaries.”
“Queer poetry exists to disrupt mainstream showcases”
Erkaradağ, evaluating the censorship mechanisms targeting queer poetry, stated that they don’t write queer poetry invisibly, saying, “It’s so obvious that it’s being banned.” Erkaradağ also claimed that Kitapyurdu has deliberately started excluding queer books from its catalog, and that they can’t get into chains like D&R.
Therefore, she said, relying on independent publications and digital or independent distribution networks has become a necessity for queer poetry. “There’s a big difference between a bookstore receiving hundreds of copies of a book and boutique publishing houses trying to sell them individually,” she added.
Erkaradağ’s account isn’t just about one experience; there are hundreds of similar examples. The Turkish Publishers Association, PEN Turkey, and the Turkish Writers’ Union have repeatedly issued joint condemnations against the “obscene publications” mechanism, which operates under the Ministry of Family and Social Services and is used by the Board for the Protection of Minors from Obscene Publications. LGBT+ themed books have been repeatedly removed from digital sales platforms through this mechanism. One of the best-known examples is the Heartstopper series, removed from D&R due to its queer content. Sales of the book were halted in 2021 on the grounds that it was “of a nature that would have a harmful effect on the morality of those under 18.”
He explained that censorship manifests itself as either a “conservative state of ignoring that renders queer existence invisible” or a “fetishizing approach that views queer existence as a marketable ‘marginality'”:
“Sometimes censorship doesn’t manifest as the refusal to publish the text; it appears as an aesthetic intervention in editorial processes under the guise of ‘making the language more universal’ or ‘finding the image too direct.’ Fetishization, on the other hand, tends to perceive queer poetry not through the poetic power of the text itself, but solely through the label it carries, as an ‘interesting’ or ‘political appeal.’
It’s no coincidence that queer poetry establishes its own free space through independent publications, fanzines, and alternative platforms, in opposition to this restrictive, sterilizing, or meta-transforming structure of the mainstream, because queer poetry doesn’t need the approval of the mainstream or the showcases it creates to gain acceptance. On the contrary, it exists precisely to disrupt those showcases and boundaries.”
Erkaradağ also stated that fetishization can particularly manifest in “liberal and capitalized” forms of the queer movement, emphasizing that in the current climate of intense pressure on the LGBT+ movement (police intervention in Pride Marches, closure of associations, detention of volunteers), one should not speak of such a “fetish” atmosphere, but rather of a direct threat and a need for solidarity.
Arkadaş Z. Özger
Born in Bursa in 1948, Arkadaş Z. Özger (pseudonym) graduated from the Faculty of Political Sciences, Department of Press and Broadcasting at Ankara University. During a police raid on the Faculty of Political Sciences dormitory on January 24, 1971, and subsequent detention, Arkadaş was subjected to torture and suffered severe head injuries. In 1973, at the age of 25, he was found severely wounded on Meşrutiyet Street in Ankara. While the official cause of death was a brain hemorrhage, some believe that Arkadaş bore the marks of an attack stemming from his identity. His book, which he intended to title “The Tragedy of a Beardless Boy,” was only published under the same title in 2014, decades after his death.
Erkaradağ stated that Arkadaş is still not fully recognized for his queer identity, and that a state of “inability to accept” this identity persists, sometimes ignored or rejected by former leftist circles.
Whose voice is heard?
Avşar stated that, “no matter how hard she tries to be brave in her writings or public presence, the dark reality of the geography she lives inevitably imposes self-censorship on her.” Avşar described this self-censorship not as a “retreat,” but as “a survival reflex constantly clashing with a heavy sense of responsibility growing within her”:
“For every woman and LGBTQ+ person whose life has been taken and whose voice has been silenced, writing, speaking, and existing is no longer a personal choice for me, but an unavoidable duty. Therefore, despite the human anxiety and internal obstacles I experience, I see being visible as a necessity. It is our duty to be the voice of those who have been murdered, ignored, and targeted because of their identity and existence, to carry their cries into words and images. Pushing the suffocating boundaries of self-censorship again and again, saying ‘we are here’ at all costs, and being able to exist in the public sphere without compromising our own truth is our greatest responsibility towards those we have lost.”
Erkaradağ, however, underlined another point. Erkaradağ, commenting on the inequality within the queer literature field itself, stated that a “gay male poet” can have the chance to be visible in the mainstream, appear on television, and even become “mainstream” to some extent, but queer female poets who refuse to enter the male-dominated environment cannot achieve the same visibility in Turkey.
Images of identity in poetry
Both poets explained that they wove their identities into imagery in their poetry.
Erkaradağ stated that she did not use a recurring, fixed symbol in her poetry, but occasionally incorporated fantastic elements from her reading of fantasy/science fiction, while for Avşar, the central image was “the house.”
Avşar took Bachelard’s idea of the house as “the dwelling place of the soul” and, moving beyond a heteronormative, fixed structure, defined it as “a house with bendable walls, doors open to uncertainty, constantly being rebuilt.” She also defined the motifs accompanying this image—body, water, shell, shadow, echo, and threshold—as parts of the same fluid existence.
Poems from each poet: “Parla” and “Anneannem öldü”
Erkaradağ shared her poem titled “Parla,” stating that her own experiences found political meaning in the poem and that it carries a fantastic theme.
Parla
ürkütücü söylemsel, dönüştürücü bir an
Sihirbaz büyülendiğinde Tek Boynuzlu At nasıl lanetlenir
ruhaniliğime asla karşı konulamaz, komplona inandığın gibi
bu gece son denemen olacak
bu kahramanca taç, garip, ben ufuk
vizyonunu genişlet biraz,
bıçak bulundu !
devlerle dost karahindiba
Krallıklar örgüye döndüğünde
yaprakların ruhu mu satılan yoksa Ejderhalar mı?
sorgularsanız Goblininiz çıkar
biri bu hikâyeleri anlatacak, kırmızı elma pembe değil
aşağıda halsiz titreme
ezici çoğunluk çiçek kocasının altında
ben postu korurum, genellikle barış daha derindir
görev değil ama korkunç bir şekilde, düşen çığlığı bilir
onların öpüşmesi yarığa geliyor
dramatik inançlar, felaket aroması
bu büyüleyici kar
şarkı söylemek geriye dönük
günahlarım büyülendi.
Avşar shared her poem titled “Anneannem öldü,” expressing its meaning for her as follows:
“This poem is not just a lament for my grandmother, but a story of one woman helping another, of that unyielding female solidarity where even absence transforms into presence. It is the poem of all women whose grandmothers have died, who hear their mothers’ silence, who understand through their aunts’ eyes, who touch their sisters’ wounds, because we are women wounded by the paper cut of the past, but who have given birth to our own language, our own refuge, and our own truth from that wound. My grandmother died, but she is always present because the secret knowledge she whispered continues to live on in these lines and everywhere we look into each other’s eyes. I always say, woman is woman’s homeland.”
Anneannem öldü
Bunun ne demek olduğunu anneannesi ölen kadınlar anlar
Bana bi şeyler anlatırdı anneannem gizli gizli Gizli gizli anlatırdı çünkü erkek doğmamıştı ve bizim topraklarımızda kadınların bi şeyler bilmesi ayıptı
Bizim dışımızdaki bütün sülale eşrafı erkekti sanki sanki bilgiye bi biz vakıftık Anneannem bana bilgiyi aramanın bilginin kendisinden daha önemli olduğunu anlattı
Öldükten sonra da bana bi şeyler anlattı anneannem Mezar taşına yazdı ben taştan okudum yokluğun doldurulabildiğini gözün geleceği görebildiğini geçmişin kağıt kesiği olduğunu erkekleri anlayamamayı anlamayı başka şeyleri kadınları sevmeyi aşk üzerine konuşulmaması gerektiğini konuşunca porçöz görmüş kireç gibi cozurdayıp yok olacağını anlattı
Kuzuların kuru üzüm sevdiğini Sinamekinin bağırsaklara iyi geldiğini Seçmeyi en güzel karpuzu Nevresimi ütülü gibi katlamayı Resimde zıt renklerin bir arada kullanılması gerektiğini
Anneannem anlatmadı kendini nerede doğduğunu nerede öldüğünü neden öldüğünü
Anneannem bi vardı bi yoktu Benim anneannem öldü bunun ne demek olduğunu anneannesi ölen kadınlar anlar
Hep vardı anneannem öldü ama hep vardı bunda tuhaf bi yan vardı
While sex workers and trans women in Taksim are frequently subjected to attacks, threats and harassment against their identities, Saçak Collective, the solidarity network of trans sex worker women, responded to this situation with a statement published on their social media accounts.
Saçak Collective, which defends the rights and solidarity of trans sex workers, issued a strong written statement against the recent violence, harassment and threats against trans women and sex workers in the Taksim area. Addressing the public through social media channels, the collective reiterated their demand: “Attacks, threats and harassment against sex worker women and trans women in Taksim must end!”
“Sex work is not a crime”
In the statement, it was pointed out that trans women and sex workers are targeted because of their identities and labor. It was stated that the targeting and rhetoric such as “We will erase you from here” was not a personal outburst of anger, but rather a clear threat of violence aimed at completely eradicating marginalized groups from the public sphere.
The collective reminded that their existence, sex work and taking part in public sphere cannot be criminalized in any way and gave the following message:
“We were on these streets yesterday and we are on these streets today. We will not be silent against any power that tries to make us invisible, to expel us from the streets, to scare and isolate us. Sex work is not a crime. Being transgender is not a crime. Existing in the public sphere is not a crime. The actual crime is attacking, threatening, harassing women and trans women and trying to erase them from the streets through violence.”
“We will increase solidarity against violence”
Stating that the right to use the streets cannot be left to the initiative of anyone, the collective announced that they will not take threats for granted, they will not leave violence uncovered and they will not allow them to break the bond between women.
The statement concluded with the following decisive statements:
“You will not silence sex workers. You will not erase trans women from the streets. You will not be able to separate us from each other. We will not be afraid, we will not retreat, we will not shut up. We will increase solidarity and organization against violence in every area we are in, particularly Taksim.”
Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik and freelance journalist İbrahim Türk spoke about what LGBTI+ journalists experience while doing their jobs in the field and beyond: “Even if I’m subjected to phobic attacks, I won’t give up reporting.”
Fotoğraf: pexel.com
Pride Month is a time when LGBTI+ experiences of violence and discrimination tied to their identities become more visible. Among those who make visible not only Pride-related issues but social events of all kinds throughout the year are LGBTI+ journalists themselves.
While journalists in Turkey already face economic insecurity, police violence, censorship and unemployment, LGBTI+ journalists confront an additional layer of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. A concrete example of this came last February, when Yıldız Tar, editor-in-chief of Kaos GL—Turkey’s oldest and largest LGBTI+ news platform—and a prominent LGBTI+ rights advocate, was detained. In the field, LGBTI+ journalists often become targets for police while reporting, sometimes become “invisible” in job applications and are forced to conceal their identities for safety reasons.
Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik and freelance journalist İbrahim Türk spoke to Niha+ about the discrimination they face in the field and what they expect from professional organizations.
Çelik: “LGBTI+ journalists face ‘compounded discrimination’”
Journalist Yusuf Çelik said that while all journalists already face economic and professional difficulties, queer journalists experience “compounded discrimination” in the field. Çelik said they have faced discriminatory attitudes from police, older male colleagues, and news sources, describing many moments in which they felt rendered invisible.
Independent journalist Yusuf Çelik
Noting that police violence is a shared problem for all journalists, Çelik said the consequences can be more severe for LGBTI+ journalists. “If there’s going to be violence, if there’s going to be an intervention, it’s us, LGBTI+ and women journalists, who are targeted first” they said.
Recalling the “Gezi” commemoration held in Taksim on May 31, 2026, Çelik said a police officer directly singled them out. “There were many journalists there, but the police grabbed my arm and tried to remove me. My colleagues intervened, asking, ‘Why are you touching a journalist?’” they said.
Çelik also said that during their detention in Dersim on July 25, 2025, they faced pressure specifically because of their queer identity, recalling that police made remarks implying they should stop doing this kind of reporting. “There was essentially a push to recruit me as an informant—comments like, ‘Why don’t you just stay out of this? Why don’t you stop doing these kinds of stories?’” they said.
Referring to a detention they experienced on May 1, 2026, Çelik said:
“There was no real justification—the protest had already dispersed—but I was told, ‘Turn off your camera, we’re taking you in,’ and detained. I can’t explain this through journalism alone, because I face things my colleagues don’t, and I think this is deeply tied to my queer identity. On top of that, when we’re detained and can’t work in the field, we go home that day having earned nothing, which puts us under economic strain too. We face a whole series of violations and difficulties like this.”
“There are unspoken ‘buts’”
Çelik have also struggled to find work because of their identity, noting that they have been unemployed for about six to seven months:
“During my job search, even though I spoke with some institutions and journalists, the process went nowhere because of unspoken ‘buts.’ They like my journalism, they know and appreciate the work I do in the field. But I need work, and during the hiring process everyone takes a step back. There are unspoken ‘buts’ there. ‘But you’re a queer journalist,’ ‘but you’re an activist,’ ‘but you can’t separate journalism from being queer’… Even when these things aren’t said out loud, I can feel those ‘buts.’ There’s no other explanation for why someone who is normally out in the field, following the news, and voluntarily sharing their work with institutions would remain unemployed for this long.”
“Even if I face phobia, I won’t give up reporting”
Çelik said that while they haven’t faced direct censorship in covering LGBTI+ news, they have often been kept away from certain assignments. They said they haven’t been assigned to out-of-town stories or coverage of workers’ strikes, with the reasoning usually framed around concerns that “something might happen to them”:
“I’m told, ‘If you go, you’ll face phobic attacks, it’ll be hard for you.’ But the person saying that is, in that moment, actually subjecting me to phobia themselves. Even though I carry an activist identity, when I go out into the field, I go out as Yusuf the journalist. Being LGBTI+ comes after that. This isn’t the first time I’ve been out in the field, and it won’t be the last. I might face hostility from a crowd—that’s understandable, because women journalists experience this too. They don’t give up reporting. Neither will I.”
Çelik also noted that women and LGBTI+ journalists are often not assigned stories like economic news, and said they end up being treated as if they’re not capable—which is part of why they continue working as an independent journalist.
According to Çelik, the discrimination starts the moment they leave the house:
“Everything—how I dress, how I walk, how I talk—gets assigned a gender. Sometimes I’m ‘the LGBTI+ journalist,’ sometimes slurs get used. Some police officers single me out, asking things like ‘isn’t that the gay journalist?’” Çelik also said they regularly face online harassment campaigns, and that in particular, following certain stories, they have been targeted with HIV-related smears. “We have to fight this on the street, at home, and on social media, all at once.”
“We don’t have strong structures to organize through”
Çelik said there are serious gaps in solidarity networks among LGBTI+ journalists. While some of these issues have been discussed at meetings held in Ankara, they said this has not translated into lasting organization.
Assessing the work of professional associations and unions, Çelik said independent and freelance journalists in particular face serious barriers to accessing union rights:
“I’m currently unemployed, and since I don’t have social security registration, I can’t directly join a union. I can’t organize. Independent and freelance journalists can’t access union rights, and they can’t even get through the union’s door. The first thing we need to do is strengthen LGBTI+ journalists in the field. Strengthen journalists in the field.”
Çelik said unions could offer workshops and protective equipment support tailored to LGBTI+ journalists, adding: “LGBTI+ people are a reality now. We’re more visible than yesterday, and we’ll be even more visible tomorrow. At this point, institutions and unions need to transform themselves too.”
“We have to tell our own stories”
Addressing young LGBTI+ people entering journalism, Çelik encouraged them to stay in the field as much as possible and keep producing stories.
“If there’s an LGBTI+ story, let a queer journalist cover it first—because they understand the issue best,” Çelik said, adding that the discrimination young journalists will face shouldn’t push them away from the profession.
Çelik concluded:
“My journalism has been questioned, and it still is. You have to fight that. You do more work. The more work you do, the more those who try to erase you will be forced to back down. Just as we as LGBTI+ journalists carry our struggle into every part of life, we have to carry it into our profession too. The phobia may never end—but neither will the struggle.”
Türk: “In some stories, I have to hide my identity”
Freelance journalist İbrahim Türk, based in Ankara, said they began their journalism career in 2021 as a photojournalist and now work for various national and international media organizations.
Freelance journalist İbrahim Türk
Türk said they take a somewhat distanced view of the constant pairing of journalism with sexual identity: “I’m a journalist and I’m queer. Journalism is a job, being queer is an identity. The fact that these two are constantly mentioned together feels a bit strange to me.”
Türk said one of the biggest challenges they face in the field is having to hide their queer identity during certain assignments for their own protection. They said they feel especially uneasy at events organized by Islamist and radical right-wing groups, and that they use different methods to ensure their safety while reporting in such settings.
“When talking to people, you sometimes have to say you work for Anadolu Ajansı so you don’t get beaten up—because some of our friends have been beaten. You have to make sure you’re not wearing anything in rainbow colors. You try to approach people as neutrally as possible so you can get unbiased responses.”
Türk said this isn’t always a disadvantage, however—in left-wing and democratic circles, their queer identity can actually make communication easier. “In left-wing circles, sometimes all doors open. People communicate more freely, and trust can build faster.”
“I met every requirement, but I wasn’t hired”
While Türk said they have never directly been told “don’t cover this story” or “don’t do this job,” they believe their identity may have been a factor in some job applications and at some organizations where they’ve worked. They said they haven’t faced such problems at the organizations they currently work with.
Türk said that during a period of unemployment, they applied to several media outlets but never heard back. “I met every requirement, but I wasn’t accepted,” they said.
“I was attacked by the police”
Türk said they have also experienced physical violence in the field, recalling one incident during the protests against the 11th Judicial Package.
Describing what happened during the protests, Türk said: “I was choked by police officers. A trans woman saved me—if she hadn’t intervened, it could have ended much worse.”
Türk said the police generally recognize them, yet they were still subjected to violence: “There was no chance they didn’t know who I was. And they attacked me anyway.”
“First, we need to learn to protect each other”
Türk said they find the work professional associations and unions have done for LGBTI+ journalists insufficient. While they said they’re aware of some union-led initiatives, they argued that there still isn’t enough contact with journalists actually working in the field.
Türk said that to address the problems LGBTI+ journalists face, solidarity networks need to be strengthened—and that this starts with journalists supporting one another:
“We need to support more queer journalists, there need to be more queer journalists. We don’t support each other. What we actually need to do first is look out for ourselves. We need to learn to protect each other first. If we did that, we wouldn’t even need any organization—or we’d be in a position to tell organizations what they need to do. But right now, both the organizations and the journalists themselves are preoccupied with how to get more funding, how to grow, so nobody really cares.”
“Journalism is journalism”
Türk said they feel journalism is increasingly being defined by an excessive number of labels:
“Journalism is journalism. Labels like ‘opposition journalism’ or ‘queer journalism’ don’t really sit right with me. Of course our identities shape how we see the world. But we can’t explain everything we do solely through that lens. First and foremost, I’m a journalist. Yes, at some point my identity affects what I write or which stories I look at. But not in every story I do.”
After the AKP declared 2025 the “Year of the Family,” provisions directly targeting LGBTI+ people emerged in the draft 10th and 11th Judicial Packages expected to be submitted to Turkey’s Parliament (TBMM) in 2025. Numerous media organizations and professional associations issued a statement in 2025 regarding the 11th Judicial Package, which sought to criminalize reporting on LGBTI+ issues. The statement read as follows:
Journalists reporting LGBTQ+ issues risk criminalisation: Withdraw the proposed law!
The draft of the 11th Judicial Package was shared with the members of the press last week and is expected to be submitted to Parliament in the coming days. Under the heading “Obscene acts,” the draft introduces a so-called “Turkish-style ban on homosexual propaganda.” It stipulates prison sentences of up to three years for any behaviour or attitude that is “contrary to one’s biological sex and public morality,” as well as for praising, promoting, or encouraging such behaviour. In its current form, the proposal is even broader and more vague than Russia’s 2013 “gay propaganda ban,” posing a grave threat to freedom of expression and press freedom in Turkey.
If enacted, this regulation would restrict LGBTQ+ people of their right to access and share information central to their lives.. Journalists reporting on LGBTQ+ issues such as human rights violations, sexual health, Pride marches etc. risk criminal prosecution on the grounds of “promotion.”
Since 2025 was declared the “Year of the Family,” numerous violations have occurred targeting LGBTQ+ journalism in Turkey. In February, Yıldız Tar — Editor-in-Chief of KAOS GL, the country’s largest and oldest LGBTQ+ news platform, and a prominent LGBTQ+ rights advocate — was arrested.
In June, the KAOS GL news website and its social media accounts were blocked for allegedly “publicly inciting to commit crimes.” That same month, journalists covering the LGBTQ+ Pride March in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district were detained and later prosecuted.
T24 correspondent Can Öztürk was questioned by prosecutors after publishing a story about sexual harassment allegations against an academic who claimed to offer “conversion therapy” to LGBTQ+ children. The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) also fined streaming platforms such as Netflix for hosting LGBTQ+ content.
Following all these violations, the inclusion of the proposed provision in the 11th Judicial Package would escalate rights violations even further and criminalize the already difficult task of reporting on LGBTQ+ issues. Moreover, vague terms such as “contrary to one’s biological sex” or “contrary to public morality” would allow arbitrary interference with the press and civil society.
This proposal would not only target LGBTQ+ individuals but also place journalists reporting on LGBTQ+ issues and related rights violations under threat of criminal punishment.
For all these reasons, as the undersigned press and freedom of expression organizations, we urgently call for the immediate removal of this provision from the 11th Judicial Package.
Signed by:
Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
Dicle Fırat Journalism Association
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Collective, states that the anti-LGBTQ+ provisions proposed in the 12th Judicial Package are not a health policy but an attempt to assert power over bodies. They note that the draft in question targets not only the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but also “everyone’s right to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere.”
Photo: Yusuf Çelik / csgorselarsiv.org
Anti-LGBTQ+ legislation is back on the agenda in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). Provisions that were withdrawn from the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which passed through parliament in previous year, due to public pressure have now been included in the 12th Judicial Package.
According to behind-the-scenes information obtained by KaosGL.org, a briefing note regarding the 12th Judicial Package was sent to senior Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP / Justice and Development Party) lawmakers. It has been learned that the package, expected to be submitted to the TBMM in June, contains provisions targeting the LGBTQ+ community and raising the age of access to gender-affirming surgery for trans individuals to 25.
Ecmel Deniz, a member of the Hormon Hakkım Kolektifi (Hormone Rights Collective), assessed for Niha+ these proposed regulations, expected to be included in the 12th Judicial Package.
Ecmel: “The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment”
According to Ecmel, this draft law constitutes an overt policy of hatred that targets trans people’s autonomy over their bodies, the trust-based relationship they establish with healthcare providers, their access to healthcare, and their most fundamental spheres of existence.
Recalling that the government has long sought to portray LGBTQ+ individuals as a “threat to the family,” “a threat to children,” “a threat to society,” and “a threat to public morality,” Ecmel stated that this policy has transformed trans people’s access to healthcare from a matter of rights into an issue of security, morality, and punishment:
“The right to health cannot be governed by the threat of punishment. A person’s access to hormones, surgery, psychosocial support, or any other health service related to the gender affirmation process cannot be criminalized. This draft law aims to make trans people’s lives manageable, controllable, and punishable. The government is saying, ‘I decide what happens to your body, and if your doctor supports you, I’ll punish both of you.’ This is not health policy; it is an attempt to assert power over our bodies. That is why when we say ‘My Right to Hormones,’ we are not merely talking about access to a medication. We are talking about the right to make decisions about our own bodies, the right to access safe healthcare, the right to speak with a doctor without fear, and the right not to be treated as a criminal because of our identity.”
“They’re afraid of our power to organize”
Ecmel, noting that many rights would be violated if this bill passes through parliament, said that access to healthcare which is already difficult for trans people, would become even harder, and those seeking healthcare would be pushed toward more precarious and unregulated avenues:
“If the law is passed, the resulting human rights violations will be multifaceted. The right to health will be violated. Because people will not be able to safely access the services they need. The right to privacy will be violated. Because a person’s body, identity, health information, and life will be turned into objects of state surveillance. The right to equality will be violated. Because access to the same health services is surrounded by penalties and specific barriers when it comes to trans people. Freedom of expression and association will be violated. It fuels hatred in society. It sends the message to people that ‘these individuals are already guilty, already dangerous, already targets.’ This leads to more discrimination and violence on the streets, in schools, at home, in hospitals, at workplaces, and on social media.”
Emphasizing that the purpose of the proposed regulations is not merely to regulate a few medical procedures, but also to prevent trans people from trusting the healthcare system, doctors from acting in accordance with professional ethics, and institutions from opening their doors to trans clients, Ecmel stated that these draft laws were written based on the questions: “How can LGBTQ+ people become less visible, make fewer demands, and feel more afraid?”
Ecmel said, “Because they fear our organizational power; the LGBTQ+ movement is a movement that has managed to form a strong opposition bloc despite all this oppression”
“The government says, ‘We decide what happens to the body‘”
They stated that the government is pursuing its efforts to isolate the LGBTQ+ community, silence doctors, intimidate families, polarize society, and portray the struggle for rights as criminal in four distinct ways:
“First, it masks social crises with the rhetoric of a ‘moral crisis.’ While real issues like the economic crisis, poverty, the housing crisis, the collapse of the healthcare system, the lack of a future for young people, and the violence faced by women and children are out in the open, the LGBTQ+ community is presented as an artificial threat. In this way, the public’s anger is diverted from real problems and directed toward a vulnerable group.
Second, a uniform lifestyle is being imposed under the guise of the “family.” Strengthening the family truly means reducing poverty, preventing violence, supporting care work, ensuring children’s safety, and making it possible for everyone to live equally and with dignity. But the government uses the family not as a support mechanism, but as a tool to keep society in line. By portraying LGBTQ+ individuals as a threat to the family, the government both fuels a politics of hatred and imposes a “acceptable citizen,” “acceptable body,” “acceptable gender,” and “acceptable relationship” on society.
Third, a message is being sent to the entire society through trans bodies. It says, “We, not you, decide what happens to the body.” This message is not directed solely at trans people; it is aimed at women, young people, those living with HIV, people with disabilities, children, and everyone in need of healthcare. The government seeks to control society by controlling bodies.
Fourth, they are trying to criminalize advocacy. This draft targets not only the healthcare processes of trans people but also the visibility, organization, solidarity, and advocacy of the LGBTQ+ community. Because those in power know that people are more easily intimidated when left alone; but when there is solidarity, information, and organized resistance, these repressive policies fail.”
Ecmel, noting that the provisions in the draft legislation have concrete consequences for trans people, such as being turned away from hospitals, being unable to access hormones, struggling to find a doctor, facing humiliation, being forced to accept misinformation, becoming isolated due to family pressure, and being unable to make decisions about their own bodies, stressed the importance of making trans people’s real-life experiences visible.
“This issue cannot be left solely on the shoulders of trans people”
Stating that this law directly targets the right to one’s own body, Ecmel underscored that a person’s ability to make decisions about their own body is not a favor granted by the state. According to Ecmel, the government threatens not only trans people but everyone’s bodies by asserting, “Your body does not belong to you; it can only exist within the boundaries drawn by the state”:
“Once the government begins punishing people’s decisions regarding their bodies under vague justifications like ‘public morality,’ ‘family,’ or ‘protection of society,’ this threat does not stop at trans people. “Today, trans people’s right to hormone therapy is under attack; tomorrow, abortion, birth control, HIV treatment, young people’s access to healthcare, psychiatric support, reproductive health, or other bodily autonomy decisions could be targeted using the same logic. That is why this struggle is not just a struggle for trans people. It is, in fact, a struggle over the question, ‘Who gets to decide about my body?’”
Ecmel, who stated that it is not just the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals but everyone’s rights to health, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, and the democratic sphere that are under attack, said, “This issue cannot be brushed aside by saying, ‘LGBT+ organizations will make a statement anyway.’” Ecmel listed what each sector must do as follows:
“Medical associations must declare: Medicine cannot be practiced under the threat of punishment. Political power and the threat of imprisonment cannot be introduced into the patient-doctor relationship.
Bar associations must state: Existence cannot be criminalized. Privacy, bodily integrity, equality, and freedom of expression cannot be eliminated through moralistic criminal provisions.
Women’s organizations, feminists, and those working in reproductive health must state: Attacks on bodily autonomy are not separate from one another. The logic targeting trans people’s right to hormones is the same as the logic regulating abortion, birth control, sexual health, and reproductive health.
Unions and professional organizations must state: This law also concerns the labor sector. Because the professional autonomy of healthcare workers, the safety of LGBTQ+ workers, the prohibition of discrimination in the workplace, and everyone’s right to a life of dignity are all part of this attack.
Human rights organizations and political parties must state the following: This draft law must not be brought before Parliament under any circumstances; if it is, it must be opposed through all democratic means. Because hate laws cannot be made “reasonable” through debate. One’s very existence is not up for negotiation.”
Stating that merely making a statement would not be enough and that support must be provided in many areas, Ecmel said: “Legal preparations must be made, informative materials in the field of health must be produced, solidarity hotlines for physicians and healthcare workers must be established, and secure channels where young trans individuals and families can access accurate information must be strengthened. Media language must be monitored, and rapid response mechanisms against hate speech must be set up. Local governments, counseling centers, non-governmental organizations, and professional chambers must work together.”
“We are not alone. Our pride cannot be packaged!”
Emphasizing that this hate law must be completely withdrawn without being added to any judicial package, Ecmel said: “We do not accept our lives being narrowed down a bit more, our bodies being monitored by the state, and our access to healthcare being criminalized with every new package.”
Concluding their words, Ecmel stated that one of the most important things in this process is to counter fear with solidarity:
“With these laws, the government is not only producing a threat of punishment, but also sending the message: ‘You are alone, no one will defend you, your doctor will be afraid, and your organization will be silenced.’ Our response to this must be collective, loud, and clear: We are not alone. We will not give up on each other. Our pride cannot be packaged. No to the hate law in the 12th Judicial Package! Our bodies belong to us. We will not give up on our right to health, our right to hormones, and our right to life.”
What had happened?
After the government declared 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” regulations directly targeting LGBTQ+ individuals in the drafts of the 10th and 11th Judicial Packages, which were expected to be submitted to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, came to the agenda.
The 10th Judicial Package was approved by the assembly Justice Commission in June 2025. Following this, the 11th Judicial Package was submitted to the assembly on November 27, 2025, and approved on December 25, 2025.
According to the articles in these drafts submitted last year:
Under the scope of “indecent acts,” crimes of promotion or encouragement regarding LGBTQ+ individuals could be punished with imprisonment from one to three years.
Marriage and wedding ceremonies of same-sex individuals would also be punished with imprisonment.
Additionally, contents featuring LGBTQ+ individuals could be penalized or removed from broadcast by the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK).
One of the most critical regulations that stood out was raising the age for gender affirmation surgery for trans individuals from 18 to 25, and tightening the conditions for obtaining medical reports by exposing the relevant physicians to imprisonment and fines. For the gender transition process, the age limit was to be raised from 21 to 25.
However, public backlash created by LGBTQ+ organizations, feminists, and rights-oriented institutions prevented the articles in this draft from passing through parliament. This year, similar articles are back on the agenda.
The “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative, established in memory of Arya, a transgender student who took her own life at the TOBB ETÜ dormitory, states that trans suicides are a consequence of systemic issues: “We repeat that the perpetrators of transgender deaths are the state, the family system, and a society in which the state’s transphobia is dominant.“
The “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative, founded by trans and LGBTQ+ activists, provided Niha+ with a statement regarding the death of Arya, a trans student who took her own life while living in a dormitory at TOBB ETÜ University.
Arya, a student at TOBB Economics and Technology University (TOBB ETÜ), took her own life on April 13, 2026, at the student dormitory where she was staying. Her friends and LGBTQ+ organizations had demanded an investigation into the incident, stating that Arya, a trans student, had been subjected to bullying and discrimination, and had brought her death to the attention of parliament.
Seren, a member of the initiative, states that trans suicides are not individual cases but a direct result of the state’s transphobic policies. Stating that they do not want another trans person to be driven to suicide and killed, nor for the state to cover it up, Seren explained that they established the “What Happened to Arya Initiative” in Arya’s name, bringing together all trans comrades who were not among them:
“We, as queer people and women, are filled with the need and desire to organize and fight against the cover-up of every single trans suicide or murder. Arya’s murder by being driven to suicide was another breaking point for us, just as it is every time we lose a trans friend.”
“The dorm management is one of the perpetrators”
According to Seren, a member of the initiative, Arya was subjected to severe pressure and harassment during her time at the dorm. Seren said, “Immediately after Arya’s suicide, and before the prosecutor’s office took action, TOBB ETÜ rummaged through and hastily gathered the belongings in the dorm room where Arya lived and sent them to her family. Naturally, this raises many questions in our minds. The answer these questions point to is the same: TOBB ETÜ dorm management is one of the perpetrators.”
Seren, citing information from Arya’s relatives, stated that photos were taken of Arya when she dressed in a way that made her feel at home, and that pressure was exerted using these images. She said that dorm director Semiha Akın repeatedly called Arya’s family, saying, “Take her out of here, she’s acting strangely.”
Seren also noted that Arya’s suggestion to add an LGBTIQ+ slogan to a campus protest against femicide was met with backlash: “Arya was targeted; she faced threats and insults from students. Shortly thereafter, she was cornered and beaten by a group of students on campus. Of course, those responsible have faced no consequences and are still continuing their education at the school.”
“Trans suicides are the consequence”
Seren, who defines trans suicides not as individual acts but as the product of systemic violence, states, “We repeat that the perpetrators of trans deaths are the state, the family system, and a society in which the state’s transphobia reigns supreme. From the moment they are born, trans people are isolated in this country: first, they cannot find a place within their families; then, landlords refuse to house them; then, workplaces; then the streets, and we see a reality emerging before us that seeks our eradication,” she said.
According to Seren, the inadequacy of the 4,000 TL KYK scholarship and loan amount, the increasingly difficult access to hormones, and dormitory administrations that enforce the binary gender system—and threaten and harass trans people when they step outside of it—are among the primary conditions driving trans people to death. For this reason, noting that there are many causes of trans suicides, Seren said the following:
“Trans people’s right to access hormones is becoming increasingly inaccessible every day due to the state’s transphobic and hateful policies. Consequently, when investigating the causes of trans suicides, we encounter dozens of reasons, and we are being made to believe that our lives are not considered lives, and that our suicides are isolated incidents.”
“Our struggle must become a matter of public”
Seren noted that they have not yet initiated any legal action, stating that their priority is to share Arya’s experiences and the suicide process she was driven into with the public:
“Our priority is to share Arya’s story, her life, her identity, her experiences, and the path that led her to suicide, with the public. By weaving this narrative step by step, we aim to have all democratic sectors take ownership of this struggle and walk this path with us. Without being confined by the limits of the prevailing legal system—though we will certainly utilize it—we want to hold those responsible for Arya’s death accountable and ensure true justice is served.”
Seren concluded her remarks by stating that they can only achieve their demands regarding trans suicides through struggle:
“We must emphasize that there is no other way but to fight together by sharing our experiences—in short, our struggles—with society, and that what trans and queer people experience is the concern of every segment of society. Our struggle must become a societal one; our struggles must be shared.”
Trans suicides are four times higher than cis suicides
According to an interview given by mental health expert Prof. Dr. Şahika Yüksel to Tuğçe Yılmaz of bianet, among 141 adult transgender individuals who had never sought help from a healthcare institution or had sought help but received no support, the rate of those who had attempted suicide before the age of 21 was recorded at 76%.
Additionally, according to the ILGA-Europe 2026 Rainbow Map, Turkey ranks 47th out of 49 countries in terms of LGBTQ+ rights.
The statement published by the “What Happened to Arya?” Initiative on its social media accounts under the headline “Who Is Semiha Akın, Manager of TOBB ETÜ Dormitories?” reads as follows:
“Semiha Akın, who has served as the General Director of TOBB ETÜ Dormitories since at least 2013, has been the subject of continuous complaints and exposés shared by students residing in the dormitory since the year she assumed her position; however, none of these complaints or exposures have been taken into consideration.
As the ‘What Happened to Arya’ Initiative, we have previously stated that Arya’s murder, in which she was driven to suicide, is not an isolated incident, and there is not a single perpetrator behind the incident. However, we assert that dormitory director Semiha Akın bears responsibility for Arya’s murder by driving her to suicide, and we demand that an effective investigation be conducted to immediately remove Semiha Akın from her position and bring her to trial for the numerous crimes she has committed.
Semiha Akın has used the state’s gender-biased and LGBTIQ+ phobic policies as a shield to exert control over female and queer students, subjecting them to violence and harassment, she has repeatedly stated that she does not address students who file complaints regarding dormitory conditions, and by acting in violation of dormitory regulations, such as searching students’ rooms in their absence, she has presumed the right to violate their privacy.
So, how was Semiha Akın able to do all of this? How is it possible that she could say about a female student, “I even know the color of her thong,” demanded that a student fold her clothes after throwing them on the floor; entered a student’s room while they were naked and harassed them; made remarks targeting a female student’s sexuality after finding birth control pills in her room; and shared the situation with the student’s family?
Dorm director Semiha Akın was able to do all of this because she is aware that nothing will happen to her, and that the state’s “Year of the Family” policies already support the practices she is implementing. She has the state itself backing her.
In Arya’s specific case, Semiha Akın’s actions have taken on a much more severe dimension due to Arya’s trans identity.
When Arya did not dress according to “social norms,” Semiha Akın secretly took photos of her and shared them with her family, who were forcing Arya into “conversion therapy”—a crime against humanity. By telling the family, “Take this from here,” regarding Arya’s identity and body, she clearly committed a hate crime.
So, what has come of all this? The complaints and public exposures by the female and queer students were ignored and forcibly deleted; our classmate Arya was driven to suicide and murdered, while nothing happened to Semiha Akın.
Even after Arya was driven to suicide and murdered, the dormitory administration entered Arya’s room without the prosecutor’s permission and rummaged through her belongings.
This situation raises several questions at once:
1-How is Semiha Akın able to continue serving as dormitory director when she has harassed and threatened so many students to date?
2-Why has no legal investigation been conducted to date regarding Semiha Akın, who bears concrete responsibility for Arya’s suicide?
3-What else has Semiha Akın done to students residing in the dormitory—things even we are unaware of—that has led to the removal of numerous reports about her?
Until an effective investigation into Arya’s death is conducted, until Semiha Akın and all those responsible for Arya’s death are held accountable, and until they are tried by true justice, we will continue to escalate our struggle and keep asking, “What Happened to Arya?”
*The views of the TOBB ETÜ administration and the dorm director in question could not be obtained.
Arin, an Istanbul University student and trans activist facing a disciplinary inquiry, stated, “They cannot usurp the right of LGBTI+ individuals to education.” Lawyers commenting on the matter drew attention to the irregularities and the structural dimensions of these investigations.
Since February 2026, disciplinary investigations have been launched against 13 students at Istanbul University-Cerrahpaşa. Within just two months, a trans activist student was targeted with an investigation based on allegations of “spreading propaganda for a terrorist organization.” Notably, the justification for this allegation was cited under a regulatory article pertaining to “attempting to cheat in exams.”
Arin, a trans activist and student at Istanbul University, described the process of facing a disciplinary inquiry based on “terror propaganda” allegations. Highlighting legal irregularities and contradictions in the proceedings, Arin characterized the experience as an attempt to distance LGBTI+ individuals from universities.
Pointing out that there are two separate disciplinary investigations against them, Arin stated that no specific reasons were provided in the notices:
“The first was initiated based on correspondence from the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Istanbul Police Department. No reason was stated. It did not specify on what grounds they were conducting a disciplinary investigation. Since no specific act was alleged, this directly impacted the right to a defense. In total, 13 people faced investigations; two of those 13 were trans women.”
“Cheating” regulation used as basis for “terror propaganda” allegation
Arin highlighted a striking contradiction in the second investigation file served to them. Despite facing accusations of “spreading propaganda for a terrorist organization” following reports from the Prosecutor’s Office and the Police Department, Arin noted:
“The investigation paper cited ‘terrorist organization propaganda,’ yet the disciplinary article cited as the legal basis was ‘attempting to cheat in exams.’ Neither I nor my lawyers could understand the connection between terror propaganda and cheating. There is no court verdict and no concrete evidence.”
Reporting that police intervened during a planned press statement in front of the campus on the day of the hearing, Arin pointed out the discrepancy between school management and law enforcement:
“While the school administration claims to have opened the investigation based on police reports, the Counter-Terrorism units at the gate claimed they never sent any documents to the school. They are experiencing a major internal contradiction.”
“The LGBTI+ flag is not a crime”
Stating that the allegations are being linked to past participation in Pride Marches and Gezi Park commemorations, Arin argued that the questions asked during the interrogation were ideological rather than legal:
“The reason I was detained during the Gezi commemoration was for carrying an LGBTI+ flag. Now they are trying to associate this flag with terrorism. The rainbow flag is a globally recognized symbol; it is not a crime.”
“They cannot usurp our right to education”
Arin stated that a policy of “domination” is being established against LGBTI+ students as part of “Year of the Family” policies. She noted that being singled out among hundreds of organized youth is related to their gender identity:
“My friends and I were asked questions like ‘Are you LGBT?’, ‘Do you have regrets?’, or ‘Did you attend the March 8th events?'” Arin stated that this is a result of trustees attempting to remove LGBTI+ people from public spaces and campuses. “LGBTI+ people will remain in the squares and on campuses. They cannot usurp our right to education” Arin added.
Warning of the risk of suspension due to “hate policies,” Arin emphasized their commitment to a legal battle: “I believe that since there is no concrete evidence, no penalty should be given. If a penalty is issued, we will take the matter to the Administrative Court and higher courts.”
Lawyer Furkan Yurt: “Vague authorities granted to administration”
Furkan Yurt, legal coordinator for SPOD, emphasized that the administration is abusing its disciplinary authority. Yurt stated that Article 54 of the Higher Education Law (No. 2547) allows for vague interpretations:
“Vague phrases such as ‘attitudes not befitting the dignity of the institution’ grant administrators unlimited room for arbitrariness. Conducting an investigation for ‘terror propaganda’ through an article regulating exam cheating is the clearest example of how the administration can adopt a wholesale and discriminatory approach, disregarding even basic legal grounds.”
According to Yurt, while sexual orientation and gender identity are not crimes, they are being criminalized indirectly:
“A rainbow flag, a rights-based expression, or a peaceful protest can be thrown into this ‘catch-all crime’ category without any concrete link. Additionally, ‘obscenity’ and ‘terrorist propaganda’ are the most frequently used tools. Social media posts and participation in peaceful protests are presented as criminal elements through these articles.”
“Nonconcrete accusationsis a violation of rights“
Yurt noted that the most fundamental violation is forcing an individual to defend themselves without knowing exactly what they are accused of. He argued that the university administration’s insistence on treating acts, which judicial authorities have found not to constitute crimes, as disciplinary offenses is a “usurpation of function and an abuse of authority.”
“A systematic attack on the democratic identity of universities”
Yurt evaluated the increase in investigations against LGBTI+ individuals as a systematic attack:
“This process is a result of the political administration’s vision of a homogenous society and the narrowing of academic freedom. These investigations often aim to intimidate students and target their right to education rather than staying within legal bounds.”
Lawyer Serhat Alan: “Freedom of expression treated as a disciplinary offense”
Lawyer Serhat Alan from the Istanbul Bar Association categorizes student investigations into two types: administrative disciplinary inquiries conducted by universities and criminal investigations handled by the police and prosecutors.
According to Alan, activities falling under freedom of expression; such as hanging posters, distributing leaflets, or joining protests, are entering disciplinary files alongside police charges like “Opposition to Law No. 2911” or “Inciting the public to hatred and hostility.”
“Institutionalized anti-LGBTI+ hate politics”
Linking the increase in investigations to a “regime of attacks” against LGBTI+ individuals, Alan stated:
“The aim of this increase is clear. The state is acting within a regime of attacks against LGBTI+ people. Following the ban on Pride events since 2015 and the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, we are seeing an institutionalized anti-LGBTI+ hate policy, further highlighted by the declaration of the ‘Year of the Family.’ The state uses investigations to prevent solidarity, make LGBTI+ visibility disappear, and block their organizations.”
Alan also pointed out that these pressures aim to isolate young LGBTI+ individuals and break the momentum of youth movements that have grown since March 19, 2025.
“Legislation lacks a gender lens”
Alan argued that the discrimination faced by LGBTI+ students is tied to legislation that ignores gender perspectives:
“YÖK (Council of Higher Education) legislation and internal school regulations tend to subject LGBTI+ individuals to discrimination because all regulations are drafted without a gender lens. This manifests in the refusal to recognize gender identity, the binary arrangement of facilities like toilets and dorms, the absence of effective sexual harassment prevention units, and issues with changing names on diplomas.”
Press statement was done against inquiries on April 27
A press statement was held on April 27 at Istanbul University for the students facing investigations. The statement, organized by the Istanbul University Student Assembly, is as follows:
TO THE PRESS AND THE PUBLIC
The Rectorate of Istanbul University-Cerrahpaşa (IÜC) is intensifying its policies of pressure against students every passing day.
In February 2026, disciplinary investigations were launched against 13 students, citing their participation in peaceful protests and subsequent detentions. The basis for these investigations was a police report whose content was withheld from the students. This situation clearly violates the “right to know the charges,” which is the most fundamental element of the right to a defense.
Investigations, arrests, and pressure cannot intimidate us.
The question “Are you full of regret?” directed at some students during this process demonstrates that disciplinary mechanisms have been transformed into tools for coercion and forced confession.
We will not remain silent, we are not afraid, we will not obey.
Less than two months after these processes, the appointed IÜC rectorate has now launched a disciplinary investigation against an LGBTI+ activist on allegations of “spreading terrorist organization propaganda.” Furthermore, there is neither an indictment nor an active court case regarding these claims.
Additionally, this investigation is based on Article 54/5 of the YÖK Disiplin Regulation (a provision regarding the act of attempting to cheat). The blatant contradiction between the alleged act and the legal basis proves that this process is being conducted arbitrarily and lacks any legal foundation.
Despite requests for additional time to prepare a defense, these requests were rejected on the grounds of a police notification stating that “proceedings must be completed within 30 days,” effectively eliminating the right to a defense.
We state clearly: Following students at campus exits, profiling them, and threatening them is a clear method of harassment and intimidation. These practices target the safety of students and place campus life under duress.
The consequences of this climate of pressure are fresh in our memories. İlayda Zorlu was taken from life following a process of pressure and manipulation conducted through the cooperation of the family, state, and police. This loss demonstrates once again the severe consequences of the policies of pressure carried out both on and off campus.
YÖK, police, media—this blockade will be broken!
Therefore, we state clearly: Let those who follow and threaten students on campuses know that this is harassment. We do not accept it.
Long live our organized struggle.
The right to assembly, demonstration, and making press statements, guaranteed under the Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights, cannot be made subject to permission. The precedents of the ECHR and the Council of State clearly reveal that disproportionate interventions against peaceful actions are unlawful.
These processes are not merely individual; they represent a systematic crackdown on freedom of expression, the right to organize, and LGBTI+ existence on campuses.
Let the appointees who attempt to drive LGBTI+ individuals out of campuses under the guise of the “Family Year” know that LGBTI+ people have not given up on the streets or the campuses for years, and they never will.
As students of Istanbul University-Cerrahpaşa, we believe that universities must be independent, democratic areas for scientific production; we believe this, and we will continue to do our part to ensure it.
We address those who try to pressure us with unlawful investigations and policies of intimidation from here:
YÖK, trustees, media—this blockade will be broken! Universities will be liberated with us!
We stand by all our friends facing investigations and we will not take a step back from our struggle.